2024-03-29T09:58:57Zhttps://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/oai/requestoai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/842022-12-13T15:12:26Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9ddc:360doc-type:BookPartdoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:300
Weg mit Hartz IV! : Die Montagsdemonstrationen in Leipzig zwischen 30. August und 4. Oktober 2004
Philipps, Axel
Gissendanner, Scott
Verein Berliner Debatte Initial
Protest
Picture interpretation
documentary method
hermeneutic interpretation
East Germany
Protest
dokumentarische Methode
Montagsdemonstration
Ostdeutschland
rekonstruktive Bildinterpretation
ddc:360
ddc:320
ddc:300
Politische Soziologie
Qualitative Sozialforschung
Protest
Hartz-Reform
Dokumentarische Interpretation
Demonstration
Deutschland (Östliche Länder)
Bildbetrachtung
Hermeneutik
Der Beitrag untersucht das Protestmaterial von sechs Leipziger Montagsdemonstrationen zwischen dem 30. August und dem 4. Oktober 2004. Das Material wurde inhaltlich als auch hinsichtlich der Gestaltung analysiert und interpretiert.
status-type:publishedVersion
Berlin : Gesellschaft für sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung und Publizistik
2005
doc-type:BookPart
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/66
http://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/84
ISBN:3-936382-42-5
Partei braucht Gewerkschaft braucht Partei?
Berliner Debatte Initial ;16,5
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/23172022-12-13T15:14:00Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_10doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Assessing natural resource management through integrated environmental and social-economic accounting: The case of a Namibian conservancy
Morton, Huon
Winter, Etti
Grote, Ulrike
community-based natural resource management
multiplier analysis
Namibia
social accounting matrix
village economy
ddc:320
Local natural resource management in its diverse manifestations holds core to its principles that the marginal and vulnerable households are empowered to manage valuable natural resources to improve social and economic equality and conserve biodiversity. Yet studies aiming to identify the impacts often show inconsistent results. Through constructing an integrated Environmental and Social Accounting Matrix (ESAM), we aim to assess how natural resources are used in different sectors and by different livelihoods, thus delivering different direct and indirect benefits to the community. The study was conducted in Namibia’s Sikunga Conservancy, which manages wildlife and fish resources in the Zambezi region. Our village-level ESAM shows an economic structure that strongly disadvantages remote households and identifies a small sector of the economy that benefits significantly from the use of natural resources. The ESAM approach is able to isolate undesirable socioeconomic developments such as unequal benefit sharing, which hinders community development. © 2016, © The Author(s) 2016.
status-type:publishedVersion
London : SAGE Publications Ltd.
2016
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/2291
http://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/2317
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/1070496516664385
ISSN:1070-4965
Journal of Environment and Development 25 (2016), Nr. 4
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden. Dieser Beitrag ist aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/23362022-12-13T15:12:27Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Explaining political attention allocation with the help of issue character: Evidence from the European Council
Alexandrova, P.
agenda setting
European Council
issue character
policy agenda
ddc:320
Policy issues compete for the attention of political actors, and the size of the agenda an issue can occupy is largely determined by the way in which it is defined. This logic constitutes a simple agenda-setting model in which factors related to the participants in the policy process and their context influence the attention a single issue receives after being problematised. In order to be able to apply this model to the construction of a whole agenda, we need to add an intermediate step. This study proposes to do so by incorporating the notion of issue character and offers an empirical application of the adapted model to the European Council, a crucial informal player in European Union (EU) agenda setting. Using a dimensionality reduction technique, the composition of the agenda is broken down to two constitutive dimensions - core vs. non-core themes of government and economic vs. non-economic character. Since the first structuring element is in line with existing knowledge and the role expectations for the European Council, the analysis concentrates on the second type. Changing saliency levels of the economic issue character of the agenda are used as a dependent variable in a model, including predictors related to the nature of the institution and contextual factors. The results show that leftist European Council party ideology and growing government deficit in the EU contribute to the increasing prominence of the economic dimension, which in turn explains rising levels in attention to various issues, especially of the non-core themes type. © 2015 European Consortium for Political Research.
status-type:publishedVersion
Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
2016
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/2310
http://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/2336
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1017/S1755773915000107
ISSN:1755-7739
European Political Science Review 8 (2016), Nr. 3
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden. Dieser Beitrag ist aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/23512022-12-13T15:14:00Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Investment under company-level pacts before and during the Great Recession
Bellmann, Lutz
Gerner, Hans-Dieter
Hübler, Olaf
Deregulation of industrial relations
industrial relations
trade unions
ddc:320
Company-level pacts between the management and the works council are often preferred in comparison to agreements between employers’ association and unions because the former negotiating partners are better informed about the economic situation of a company and have fewer goal conflicts than the latter. Moreover, these company-level pacts might reduce the ‘hold-up’ problems which arise once specialized investment is made. Therefore, this article investigates whether such agreements affect firm-level investment. Based on the IAB Establishment Panel Survey 2001–2010 the study indicates that the adoption of a company-level pact leads to a higher investment rate than in other firms driven by reinvestment. However, the Great Recession has damped this positive influence. From the econometric analysis the article does not detect any increase in investment during the negotiation phase. After the expiration of a company-level pact, lower reinvestment and a small increase in net investment take place. © 2013, © The Author(s) 2013.
status-type:publishedVersion
London : SAGE Publications Ltd.
2015
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/2325
http://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/2351
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831X13511999
ISSN:0143-831X
Economic and Industrial Democracy 36 (2015), Nr. 3
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden. Dieser Beitrag ist aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/23582022-12-13T15:14:00Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Of 'true professionals' and 'ethical hero warriors': A gender-discourse analysis of private military and security companies
Joachim, Jutta
Schneiker, Andrea
identity
masculinities
private military and security companies
privatization
security
ddc:320
Private military and security companies (PMSCs) have gained increasingly in importance over the course of the past two decades. Yet, given the intransparency of the industry and the heterogeneity of the companies that comprise it, we thus far know little about the actors involved. In this article, we offer preliminary insights into the self-representation of PMSCs, based on a gender-discourse analysis of the homepages of select companies and their main professional associations. We argue that survival in an increasingly competitive industry not only hinges on size, market share or effectiveness, but is also inherently gendered. PMSCs and their associations draw on the one hand on civilized and accepted forms of masculinity and femininity, presenting themselves as 'highly skilled professional' military strategists and ordinary businesses akin to banks or insurance companies. At the same time, however, PMSCs also engage in strategies of (hyper)masculinization and pathologization to set themselves apart from mercenaries, their private competitors and state security forces. In this respect, companies appear to view themselves as 'ethical hero warriors'. Whether intended or not, their strategies have political consequences. Within the security industry, they contribute to the creation and maintenance of a norm regarding what constitutes a legitimate PMSC, to which more or less all companies strive to adhere. Vis-à-vis other security actors, these strategies seek to establish PMSCs as being superior because, unlike these actors, such companies are super-masculine and able to live up to the growing and sometimes contradictory demands of changing security contexts. © The Author(s) 2012.
status-type:publishedVersion
London : SAGE Publications Ltd.
2012
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/2332
http://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/2358
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/0967010612463488
ISSN:0967-0106
Security Dialogue 43 (2012), Nr. 6
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden. Dieser Beitrag ist aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/30242022-12-13T15:14:00Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Contours of the future: The new social dynamics in Cuba
Burchardt, Hans-Jürgen
centralization
international trade
production system
trade performance
trade relations
Cuba
ddc:320
In summary, two endogenous structural elements of the Cuban system condition each other reciprocally and are apparent even today: a form of centralized government controlling everything and the predominance of extensive and inefficient forms of production. When, at the beginning of the 1990s, the subsidy flowing in from fraternal socialist assistance was cut off, Cuba lost 75 percent of its foreign trade and, by the same token, its economic base. The former guarantor of Cuba's development-the fundamental economic link with the Soviet Union - turned out, in the end, to be a Janus head, and the Revolution sank into the most acute crisis in its history. The legacy of this experience was an oversized and inefficient economy incapable of surviving without enormous volumes of input and, moreover, specialized in the export of a few raw materials, such as sugar and nickel, and practically estranged from the world market. This abrupt collapse in foreign trade can, therefore, be seen as a first exogenous structural element associated with the transformation. To this must be added the effects of the U.S. blockade, which may merit the distinction of being the last institutionalized conflict to have survived the cold war. Notwithstanding the international easing of tensions, the United States has stepped up its confrontation with Cuba. The passage of the Helms-Burton Act in 1996 strengthened the blockade in addition to giving it an extraterritorial dimension. Therefore, the U.S. blockade must be considered as a second exogenous structural element of the Cuban transformation.
status-type:publishedVersion
London : SAGE Publications Ltd.
2002
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/2994
http://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/3024
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X02029003004
ISSN:0094-582X
Latin American Perspectives 29 (2002), Nr. 3
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden. Dieser Beitrag ist aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/30552022-12-13T15:14:00Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
New humanitarians? Frame appropriation through private military and security companies
Joachim, Jutta
Schneiker, Andrea
Humanitarianism
Identity
Private military and security companies
ddc:320
Although private military and security companies (PMSCs) are gaining increasing importance, they still suffer from an image problem. In the media, they are frequently referred to as 'mercenaries' or 'dogs of war'. PMSCs are therefore interested in presenting themselves as legitimate and acceptable contract parties. Based on a discourse analysis of the homepages of select PMSCs and the industry association International Stability Operations Association (ISOA), and drawing on the framing literature, we examine one way in which companies respond to such negative labels. We show not only that PMSCs provide supplemental logistics or security for the staff of humanitarian organisations confronted with complex emergencies and ever-more dangerous missions, but also that these companies appropriate the humanitarian frame discursively, emphasising those elements that fit their interests and needs. To present themselves as 'new humanitarians', PMSCs employ primarily two kinds of strategies: naming and forging alliances with more traditional humanitarian actors. Their growing involvement in this field may not be without consequences and may contribute to the blurring of lines between military and civilian missions. © The Author(s) 2012.
status-type:publishedVersion
London : SAGE Publications Ltd.
2012
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/3025
http://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/3055
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/0305829811425890
ISSN:0305-8298
Millennium: Journal of International Studies 40 (2012), Nr. 2
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden. Dieser Beitrag ist aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/30952022-12-02T18:24:34Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9ddc:100status-type:updatedVersiondoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320ddc:610doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Genealogie der Ethikpolitik : Nationale Ethikkomitees als neue Regierungstechnologie. Das Beispiel Frankreichs
Könninger, Sabine
Braun, Kathrin
Frankreich
Politik
Ethik
Ethikkomitee
Geschichte
Medizin
Biotechnologie
Nanotechnologie
Biopolitik
Regierungstechnologien
Gouvernementalität
Politische Theorie
Bioethik
Politikwissenschaft
Science and Technology Studies
ddc:100
ddc:320
ddc:610
Nationale Ethikkomitees gelten als adäquate Lösung für ethische Probleme lebenswissenschaftlicher – und zunehmend auch nanotechnologischer – Entwicklungen. Aber wann, wie und in welchem Kontext setzten sich diese Ethikpolitiken durch? Und wogegen? Diesen Fragen geht Sabine Könninger am Beispiel Frankreichs nach und zeigt, wie sich eine Regierungstechnologie etablierte, in der Kritik an Forschungszielen und -zwecken unerwünscht ist. Die Studie bietet einen kritischen Forschungsbeitrag zu ethischen Institutionen und Diskursen im Bereich der Science and Technology Studies. Umfangreich erschließt sie einem deutschsprachigen Publikum die Auseinandersetzungen um Wissenschaft und Technik in Frankreich.
status-type:updatedVersion
Bielefeld : transcript
2016
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/3065
http://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/3095
ISBN:978-3-8394-3286-0
ger
CC BY-SA 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/39402022-12-02T16:16:28Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_10ddc:360doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320
How does petty corruption affect tax morale in Sub-Saharan Africa?
Jahnke, Björn
Weisser, Reinhard A.
Corruption
Effect heterogeneity
Mediation analysis
Tax morale
ddc:330
ddc:320
ddc:360
Revenues from taxation gain in importance to finance economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa. One obstacle to enhancing the willingness to remit taxes can be the extortion of bribes by public officials. Using micro-level data from the Afrobarometer, we show that petty corruption erodes tax morale. The effect on tax morale is more severe in countries and regions where fewer people are affected by petty corruption and becomes insignificant if extortion of bribes is particularly prevalent. Differing levels of civic participation and potential access to tax funded services are also found to induce heterogeneous reactions to corruption experience. Applying a mediation analysis, we demonstrate that petty corruption not only has a direct effect on tax morale but also diminishes confidence in tax authorities and therefore affects tax morale indirectly. The harmful effects of corruption experience, however, operate mainly through a generally lowered inclination to uphold high levels of tax morale.
status-type:publishedVersion
Amsterdam : Elsevier B.V.
2018
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/3906
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/3940
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2018.09.003
ISSN:0176-2680
European Journal of Political Economy 2018 (2018)
eng
CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/45802022-12-02T18:18:52Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320
Risk vs Reward strategies in indirect presidential elections: Political parties and the selection of presidential electors in Germany, 1949-2017
Köker, Philipp
electoral college
Federal President
Germany
party strategy
presidential election
Bundespräsident
Bundesversammlung
Präsidentschaftswahlen
Wahlmänner
Wahlfrauen
Große Koalition
ddc:320
Parties across parliamentary republics compete fiercely over capturing the presidential office. However, they are often torn between seeing their preferred candidate elected and exploiting the election for publicity purposes. The German case, specifically parties’ ability to nominate extra-parliamentarian electors (EPEs) as part of the electoral college, offers a particularly interesting perspective on how parties balance these competing goals. While EPEs allow parties to boost their profile and strengthen ties with selected groups, they also present a risk factor as their voting behaviour is more difficult to predict. Based on a novel data set on party delegations in German presidential elections, 1949-2017, the analysis shows that – contrary to traditional assumptions – competition in the electoral college did not play a role in EPE nominations. Rather, party strategies were influenced by the varying signalling power of the elections. Parties were more risk-averse and nominated fewer EPEs during grand coalitions, when they were part of the federal government, or when federal elections approached, yet nominated more EPEs when they had a larger support base to reward. The results call for further comparative research on indirect elections and different types of EPEs in Germany. This is an Author's Accepted Manuscript of an article published in German Politics (2019) © Taylor & Francis.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Milton Park, UK : Taylor & Francis
2019-03-11
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/4538
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/4580
https://doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.6263060.v1
DOI:10.1080/09644008.2019.1590549
ISSN:0964-4008
ESSN:1743-8993
German Politics 28 (2019), Nr. 4
German Politics
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/47482022-12-02T18:18:52Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320ddc:300
The effects of majority requirements, selectorate composition and uncertainty in indirect presidential elections: the case of Estonia
Köker, Philipp
electoral college
presidential election
Estonia
parliament
party strategy
Präsidentschaftswahlen
Estland
Wahlversammlung
Präsident
Parteien
ddc:300
ddc:320
This article assesses the effects of common features in the indirect election of presidents in parliamentary republics. In particular, it examines the influence of majority requirements, selectorate composition and uncertainty on party strategies, using Estonia (1996-2016) as a crucial case for analysis. The analysis demonstrates that the lack of a plurality run-off effectively eliminated incentives for inter-party cooperation and strategic voting. It furthermore shows that shifts in the partisan composition and control of the selectorate from parliament to electoral college provided considerable opportunities for agenda manipulation. Subsequently, results only rarely reflected the parliamentary balance of power. Last, although overall indicators suggest greater congruence between parliament and electoral college over time, this proliferated rather than reduced parties’ uncertainty over the electoral outcome as non-parliamentary electors voted based on local interests and acted independently from national party leaders.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Milton Park, UK : Taylor & Francis
2019-04-11
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/4706
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/4748
DOI:10.1080/21599165.2019.1604339
East European Politics (2019)
East European Politics (2019)
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/49842024-02-16T02:00:23Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:Otherddc:300
Lithuania – President Grybauskaite’s veto activity
Köker, Philipp
president
veto power
Lithuania
Dalia Grybauskaite
Litauen
Präsident
Veto
Dalia Grybauskaite
ddc:320
ddc:300
On Thursday last week, Lithuanian president Dalia Grybauskaitė vetoed amendments to the ‘Law on Fisheries’ enumerating several legal problems with the regulations on how to assign and transfer fishing quotas. A strong involvement of the presidents in legislation as well as executive decisions is nothing in semi-presidential Lithuania. Nevertheless, as Dalia Grybauskaitė’s first term in office is coming to an end in May this year, this post will use it as an opportunity to give a brief overview of her veto activity and explain the regulations on presidential vetoes in Lithuania.
status-type:publishedVersion
2013-01-13
doc-type:Other
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/4940
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/4984
https://presidential-power.net/?p=575
eng
CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 DE
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/de/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/49852020-07-28T12:26:56Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:Otherddc:300
Lithuania - Reshuffle of deputy ministers as President Grybauskaite is sworn in for second term in office
Köker, Philipp
president
Dalia Grybauskaite
Präsident
Litauen
Dalia Grybauskaite
ddc:320
ddc:300
After her successful reelection in May 2014, president Dalia Grybauskaite was sworn in for her second term in office this Sunday, 12 July. As I have previously remarked in other posts, the Lithuanian president belongs to the most powerful presidents in Central and Eastern Europe. This powerful position stems not only from the popular mandate and the constitutionally defined leading role in foreign policy, but also finds expression in an interesting stipulation about the government’s mandate after presidential elections which has now allowed Grybauskaite to force changes in a number of government ministries.
status-type:publishedVersion
2014-07-17
doc-type:Other
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/4941
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/4985
http://presidential-power.com/?p=1648
eng
CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 DE
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/de/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/52922022-12-02T07:47:03Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Bookstatus-type:updatedVersiondoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330ddc:320
Vom Reichtum der Gesellschaften : Mehrprodukt und Reproduktion als Freiheit und Notwendigkeit in der Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie
Bensch, Hans-Georg
Politische Ökonomie
Reproduktion
Arbeit
Reichtum
ddc:320
ddc:330
Mit dem »Reichtum der Gesellschaften, in welchen kapitalistische Produktionsweise herrscht« beginnt Marx sein Hauptwerk »Das Kapital«. Die hier vorgelegte Interpretation fortgeschrittener Begriffe aus dem zweiten und dritten Band des Kapitals ermöglicht es, aktuelle Phänomene zu fassen, an der linke, an Marx orientierte Kritiker oftmals scheitern. Die gemeinsame Grundlage von kritischer Gesellschaftstheorie, der Begriff des materiellen Produktionsprozesses, wird dabei nicht preisgegeben.
Untersucht werden die Bedingungen der Möglichkeit eines Mehrprodukts. Das Mehrprodukt ist die allgemeine Form der vergegenständlichten Mehrarbeit, die in kapitalistisch produzierenden Gesellschaften als Mehrwert auftritt.
Die Analyse der Voraussetzungen des Mehrprodukts orientiert sich zunächst am Begriff des Arbeitsprozesses unabhängig von der bestimmten gesellschaftlichen Form des Arbeitsprozesses. Da aber Mehrarbeit und deren Vergegenständlichung nur in gesellschaftlicher Form, die bisher immer herrschaftlich war, auftreten können, hat der zweite Abschnitt dieser Arbeit den gesellschaftlichen Reproduktionsprozess zum Gegenstand. Es wird gezeigt, dass auf eine besondere Gestalt des Mehrprodukts geschlossen werden muss. Diese besondere Gestalt des gesellschaftlich produzierten Mehrprodukts hat unterm Kapital die Form von akkumulierbarem Mehrwert. Der stoffliche und technische Gehalt dieses Begriffs hat erhebliche Konsequenzen für den zentralen Begriff der organischen Zusammensetzung des Kapitals; und diese Konsequenzen schlagen durch auf die Interpretation der »Reproduktionsschemata« und des »tendenziellen Falls der Profitrate«.
Die erste Ausgabe erschien mit Unterstützung des Gesellschaftswissenschaftlichen
Instituts (Hannover) im Dietrich zu Klampen Verlag GbR, Lüneburg 1995.
status-type:updatedVersion
Hannover : Institutionelles Repositorium der Leibniz Universität Hannover
2019
doc-type:Book
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/5245
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/5292
https://zuklampen.de/buecher/sachbuch/politik/bk/649-vom-reichtum-der-gesellschaften-9783924245504.html
ISBN:3-924245-50-9
ger
CC BY 3.0 DE
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/de/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/55662022-12-02T18:18:52Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320
Why dictators veto: legislation, legitimation and control in Kazakhstan and Russia
Köker, Philipp
president
veto power
authoritarian regimes
legislative process
Russia
Kazakhstan
Präsident
Veto-Macht
Russland
Kasachstan
Gesetzgebung
Autoritarismus
ddc:320
Why do authoritarian presidents still use their legislative power? Although recent studies have argued that authoritarian legislatures are more than “rubberstamps” and can serve as arenas for elite bargaining over policy, there is no evidence that legislators would pass bills that go against presidential preferences. This article investigates this apparent paradox and proposes a theoretical framework to explain presidential activism in authoritarian regimes. It argues that any bills that contravene constraints on policy-making set by the president should generally be stopped or amended by other actors loyal to the regime. Thus, presidents will rather use their veto (1) to protect the regime’s output legitimacy and stability, and/or (2) to reinforce their power vis-à-vis other actors. The argument is tested using two case studies of veto use in Kazakhstan and Russia over the last 10 years. The analysis supports the propositions of the theoretical framework and furthermore highlights the potential use of vetoes as a means of distraction, particularly in relation to international audiences. The article extends research on presidential veto power to authoritarian regimes and its findings contribute to the growing literature on the activities of authoritarian legislatures.
This is an Author's Accepted Manuscript of an article published in Democratization (2019) © Taylor & Francis, available
online at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13510347.2019.1678029.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Milton Park : Taylor & Francis
2019-10-11
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/5519
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/5566
DOI:10.1080/13510347.2019.1678029
ISSN:1351-0347
Democratization
Democratization
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/57472022-12-02T07:50:31Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Kommunale Abfallpolitik : Ökologischer Strukturwandel und politisches Lernen
Lamping, Wolfram
Environmental policy
local waste management policy
local government research
ddc:330
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Universität
1998
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/5695
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/5747
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-2469579994
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/58142022-12-02T07:50:31Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Modernisierung der Stadt-Gesellschaft und die Dezentralisierung des wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Arrangements
Schridde, Henning
Modernisation processes
system of cities
local social policy
ddc:330
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2000
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/5762
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/5814
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-3198730219
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/58222022-12-02T08:12:00Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
The domestic environmental movement in contemporary Japan : structure, activities, problems, and its significance for the broadening of political participation
Vosse, Wilhelm M.
Japan
political participation
environmental movement
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2000
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/5770
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/5822
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-3158768402
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/60312022-12-02T18:18:52Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320
Coalitional Presidentialism in Comparative Perspective. Minority Presidents in Multiparty Systems
Köker, Philipp
coalitional presidentialism
presidentialism
Europe-Asia Studies
Präsidentialismus
Lateinamerika
Afrika
Eurasien
ddc:320
Book Review: Chaisty, Paul, Cheeseman, Nic & Power, Timothy J. Coalitional Presidentialism in Comparative Perspective. Minority Presidents in Multiparty Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018, xiii + 267pp. £60.00 h/b.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Milton Park : Taylor & Francis
2019-11-07
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/5979
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/6031
DOI:10.1080/09668136.2019.1674530
Europe-Asia Studies 71 (9)
Europe-Asia Studies 71 (2019), Nr. 9
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/61272022-12-02T07:47:02Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Möglichkeiten und Grenzen einer modernen Regierungslehre : Regierungshandeln im nationalen und europäischen Kontext ; Studien zu einem unvollendeten Projekt der deutschen Politikwissenschaft
Nehls, Björn
Government
political science
nation state
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Universität
2002
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/6075
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/6127
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-3565523733
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/62172022-12-02T07:47:03Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Die antike Stadt als politische Konstruktion und historischer Lebensraum : Überlegungen zum Verhältnis von Öffentlichkeit und Privatheit im Denken Hannah Arendts
Freese, Ingo
Hannah Arendt
urban public
Rome
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Universität
2003
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/6165
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/6217
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-3653728706
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/67542022-12-02T07:36:30Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Die normalisierte Nation : zum Verhältnis von Vergangenheitsbewältigung und Außenpolitik
Hawel, Marcus
Vergangenheitspolitik
deutsche Außenpolitik
Normalisierung
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2006
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/6702
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/6754
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-5094705055
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/71352022-12-02T07:54:05Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Gefühlserbschaft und aggressiver Nationalismus : eine sozialpsychologische Studie zur Generationengeschichte des Nationalsozialismus
Lohl, Janpeter
Generationengeschichte
Transgenerationalität
Rechtsextremismus
Nationalismus
Unfähigkeit zu trauern
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2008
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/7082
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/7135
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-5772377568
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/75362022-12-02T07:59:28Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Widersprüche und Dilemmata des internationalen Peacebuilding am Beispiel des Kosovo : [Abhandlung]
Narten, Jens
Friedenskonsolidierung
Friedensmission
Dilemma
Kosovo
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2010
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/7483
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/7536
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-6472067496
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/76422022-12-02T07:54:05Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Das Militär in der politischen Kultur der Türkei : vom Osmanischen Reich bis heute
Bilgin, Ayhan
Political culture of Turkish society
militarization
the Turkish military
Politische Kultur in der Türkei
Militarisierung
das türkische Militär
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2011
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/7589
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/7642
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-6853584292
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/77032022-12-02T07:54:06Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Nationalismus des kleinen Raumes in Europa : Identitätsbildungen im Spannungsfeld zwischen Nation, Region und europäischer Integration ; mit Fallbeispielen aus dem Vereinigten Königreich und Italien
Hoppe, Marcus
nationalist parties
national identities
nationalism in Europe
Nationalistische Parteien
Nationale Identitäten
Nationalismus in Europa
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2011
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/7650
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/7703
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-6610339457
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/77612022-12-02T07:50:32Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Steuerungsprobleme der Qualitätspolitik im Gesundheitswesen am Beispiel der integrierten Versorgung
Möller, Isabell
Health policy
control
credence goods
Gesundheitspolitik
Steuerung
Vertrauensgüter
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2011
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/7708
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/7761
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-6621578695
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/79122022-12-02T07:59:28Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Die deutsche Finanzmarktpolitik im Schatten der Krise
Handke, Stefan
Financial crisis
financial market supervision
institutional change
Finanzkrise
Finanzmarktaufsicht
Institutionenwandel
ddc:320
ddc:330
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2012
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/7859
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/7912
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-7304635166
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/80462022-12-02T07:54:06Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Die Islamische Revolution in Iran als Gegenstand der politischen Bildung und als Herausforderung für den sozialwissenschaftlichen Unterricht : Untersuchungen zum Paradigmenwandel in der politischen Bildung und zum Diskurs in der Politikdidaktik
Voigt, Gerhard
Teaching political science
discursive methods and teaching
islamic revolution in Iran
Politikdidaktik
Diskursdidaktik
Islamische Revolution in Iran
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2012
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/7993
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/8046
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-72763402X2
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/81042022-12-02T07:59:27Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Gewerkschaftliche Handlungsbedingungen unter prekären Rahmenbedingungen : zur Geschichte und Aktualität gewerkschaftlicher Interessenvertretung
Fedders, Till
Unions
neoliberalism
ideology
Gewerkschaften
Neoliberalismus
Ideengeschichte
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2013
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/8051
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/8104
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-7339031775
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/85152022-12-02T07:54:06Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Zwischen Hammer und Amboss : Korruption, Oligarchen, russischer Einfluss und verfehlte Europäisierung im ukrainischen Gassektor
Goncharuk, Andriy
Europenization
gas trading
Ukraine/Russia
Europäisierung
Gaswirtschaft
Ukraine/Russland
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2015
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/8462
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/8515
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-8360936313
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/85212022-12-02T07:54:06Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Wirtschaft - Macht - Bürgerbewusstsein : Walter Euckens Beitrag zur sozioökonomischen Bildung
Haarmann, Moritz Peter
Economic education
ordoliberalism
political education
social market economy
economics
Ökonomische Bildung
Ordoliberalismus
politische Bildung
soziale Marktwirtschaft
Wirtschaftswissenschaften
ddc:330
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2015
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/8468
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/8521
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-8397601162
ISBN:978-3-658-11606-4
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/85692022-12-02T07:59:27Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Die Konstruktion der modernen nationalen Gesellschaft Chinas am Beispiel des nationalen Ordnungsverständnisses der kulturkonservativen Intellektuellen Chinas
Liu, Lulu
Culture
nation
cultural conservatism
Kultur
Nation
Kulturkonservatismus
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2015
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/8516
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/8569
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-8476319237
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/87922022-12-02T08:12:01Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Nationalismus als Ideologie ethnischer Identifikation : peripherer Nationalismus und nationale Befreiungsbewegungen in Spanien
Mense, Thorsten
Claussen, Detlev
Joachim, Jutta
Spain
Catalonia
Basque country
nationalism
national liberation
critical theory
ideology
Spanien
Katalonien
Baskenland
Nationalismus
nationale Befreiung
kritische Theorie
Ideologie
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2016
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/8739
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/8792
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-8630989674
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/90182022-12-02T08:12:00Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962ddc:350doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
The progress of Indonesian administrative reform : roles of administrative culture, readiness for change, and citizen trust in government
Fathurrahman, Reza
Hönnige, Christoph
Froese, Fabian J.
Prasojo, Eko
Administrative reform
administrative culture
citizen trust in government
readiness for organizational change
Verwaltungsreform
Verwaltungskultur
Bürgervertrauen in die Regierung
Bereitschaft zur organisatorischen Veränderung
ddc:350
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2017
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/8965
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/9018
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-8819698188
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/90632022-12-02T07:59:27Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Bürger werden initiativ : akteurssoziologische Hintergründe eines lokalen Protests aufgrund eines formalen und symbolischen Beteiligungsdefizits
Krätzig, Sebastian
Geiling, Heiko
Haaren, Christina von
Local deficits of participation
citizens' initiatives in rural areas
planned constructions in the context of intensive livestock farming
Lokale Beteiligungsdefizite
Bürgerinitiativen in ländlichen Räumen
Bauvorhaben im Kontext von Massentierhaltung
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2017
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/9010
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/9063
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-8951811851
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/91662022-12-02T07:59:27Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Die schwedische Gewerkschaftsbewegung und das Schwedische Modell
Brennecke, Björn
Geiling, Heiko
Buckmiller, Michael
Sweden
trade union movement
Swedish model
industrial dispute
Arbeiterbewegung
Schweden
Wohlfahrtsstaat
Gewerkschaftsbewegung
Schwedisches Modell
Arbeitskampf
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover
2018
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/9113
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/9166
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-10144134940
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/94492022-12-02T16:16:26Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:400
Longitudinal effects of task performance and self-concept on preadolescent efl learners’ causal attributions of grammar success and failure
Faber, Günter
Causal attributions
Gender
Grade level
Grammar performance
Self-concept
ddc:400
ddc:320
Learners’ academic self-concepts and attributions have been widely evidenced to substantially regulate their educational development. Develop-mentally, they will not only operate in a mutually reinforcing manner. Rather, self-concepts will directly affect learners’ outcome attributions in a particular academic setting. Current research in the English as a foreign language (EFL) context has increasingly analyzed learners’ attributions and self-concepts on a task-specific construct level. Nevertheless, there still exist certain research gaps in the field, particularly concerning learners’ grammar self-concept and attributions. Therefore, the present study aimed at analyzing longitudinal relations of prior performance and self-concept with subsequent attributions of grammar success and failure in a sample of preadolescent EFL learners. Findings demonstrated that attributional patterns mostly but not entirely depended on learners’ grammar self-concept. Poor performing learners holding a low self-concept displayed a maladaptive attribution pattern for explaining both grammar success and failure. Though not with respect to all causal factors, these findings largely confirm the crucial role of task-specific self-concept in longitudinally explaining related control beliefs in the EFL context.
status-type:publishedVersion
Kalisz : Adam Mickiewicz University Press
2019
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/9395
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/9449
DOI:https://doi.org/10.14746/ssllt.2019.9.4.4
ISSN:2083-5205
Studies in Second Language Learning and Teaching 9 (2019), Nr. 4
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/95642022-12-02T08:09:01Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:610doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Public policy and private forces : das Gesundheitssystem der USA in den 1990ern
Sattler, Christiane
USA
health care system
Clinton's reform discussion
ddc:610
ddc:330
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Universität Hannover
1999
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/9510
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/9564
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-3082282191
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/96402022-12-02T07:36:29Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesisddc:300
"Ausländerfeindlichkeit" und Diskriminierung im betrieblichen Alltag : interkulturelle Verantwortung der Gewerkschaften im Betrieb
Javaher Haghighi, Peyman
Trade unions
discrimination
xenophobia
Ausländerfeindlichkeit
Ausländischer Arbeitnehmer
Deutschland
Diskriminierung
Gewerkschaftspolitik
Unternehmen
ddc:300
ddc:320
[no abstract]
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Universität Hannover
2000
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/9586
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/9640
urn:nbn:de:gbv:089-31797100x3
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/103202022-12-02T07:47:03Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Indian Summer - Party Affiliation in the 21st Century
Becker, Philipp
Party politics
Multi-speed membership
Political party members
Politische Parteien
Multi-Speed Mitgliedschaft
Parteimitglieder
ddc:320
Multi-speed membership parties are said to shift the boundaries of political parties by incorporating affiliates of all sorts into the narrative of membership. Building on this concept of a diverse, inclusive, and individually adaptive understanding of political party support, Indian Summer re-evaluates the relationship between polit- ical parties and individuals in the age of internet-based communication technologies and growing sociological diversification. Data of the accompanying population sur- vey of the 2017 German Party Members Survey is used to address questions of who it is that contributes to the success or breakdown of a party, what individuals do, and what the underlying demographic, motivational, and psychological patterns are. The study finds that non-membership based party affiliation plays a crucial role in 21st century party politics, especially due to the mass of affiliates compared to traditional members. Moreover, traditional party members and affiliates differ remarkably in terms of socio-demographic characteristics, which is especially impor- tant in the light of representative democracy. Additionally, it is argued that recent political parties’ bearing structure is best described using seven distinct types of affiliates. Due to the inner structure of affiliation types, this taxonomy challenges the multi-speed membership model and sees formal membership as the continuing center of gravity for political parties. Yet, profiles of more loosely linked affiliates indicate that parties may have to deal with eroding ties in the future and over-think their modus operandi, which might mirror the functions of US American parties in the future.
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Institutionelles Repositorium der Leibniz Universität Hannover
2020
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/10247
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/10320
eng
CC BY 3.0 DE
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/de/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/104162022-12-02T19:35:27Zcom_123456789_11col_123456789_12doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:300
Governance by Numbers: A Panopticon Reversed?
Hamann, Julian
discipline
dispositif
Foucault
numerocracy
panopticon
power
quantification
surveillance
ddc:300
ddc:320
This commentary is concerned with a specific form of power and discipline that is exerted through governance by numbers. Because of its many parallels to classical Foucauldian panopticism, governance based on numbers can be coined ‘numerocratic panopticism.’ Yet, going beyond similarities between classical and numerocratic panopticism, the commentary suggests three features specific to numerocratic panopticism that actually reverse characteristic traits of classical panopticism: In contrast to classical panopticism, numerocratic panopticism is multi-centered, non-spatial and open-purpose. Research on governance by numbers can benefit from a heuristic of panopticism if it considers both similarities and differences between classical and numerocratic panopticism.
status-type:publishedVersion
Lisbon : Cogitatio Press
2020
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/10343
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/10416
DOI:10.17645/pag.v8i2.2991
ESSN:2183-2463
Politics and Governance 8 (2020), Nr. 2
Politics and Governance 8 (2020), Nr. 2
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/104652022-12-02T07:32:52Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Communicating judicial decisions : court press releases and their effect on the news media
Meyer, Philipp
constitutional courts
court communication
press releases
public relations
logistic regression
computational text analysis
supervised machine learning
Verfassungsgerichte
Gerichtskommunikation
Pressemitteilungen
Öffentlichkeitsarbeit
ddc:320
Constitutional review courts construe constitutions in the light of legal, social, and political disputes. As such, constitutional review has become a key feature of modern-day democracies. However, the court’s authority depends on their reputation and support within the public, as they are unable to enforce their decisions and sanction noncompliance. Only if the public is aware of the courts and their actions and lends them their support, elected politicians will more likely comply with court decisions. To create awareness and to enable public scrutiny, courts have several tools. Among others, a proactive strategy to communicate and transmit information on court decisions and, thus, to increase transparency and openness is perceived to be an essential tool that courts have at their disposal. Through communication, court decisions become more accessible, potentially better understood, and the courts and their judges are held accountable to the public. In this dissertation, I study press releases by constitutional courts. Since the news media is the gatekeeper between the government and the public, I also assess how court communication shapes news media coverage of court decisions. I draw on the comparative judicial politics literature, the literature on policy agendas, and communication and journalism studies on the concepts of court reporting and news values. Throughout four empirical chapters, I ask which institutional structures influence the publication of court press releases, when and what kind of information courts communicate, and how these communication efforts shape the news media. I extend the existing literature in two regards. First, I argue that press releases are of central importance for a court’s agenda-setting power. Second, I argue that courts actively use the institutional tools at their disposal to create publicity and increase the chances of being reported on in the news. One such instrument is the publication of press releases, and this dissertation found that the strategic use of press releases enables courts to increase media coverage and, therefore, facilitate public scrutiny. I test these arguments empirically by combining inference methods such as logistic regressions with methods from the fields of machine learning and computational text analysis. Throughout all chapters, I test my arguments using data on court decisions and press releases of the German Federal Constitutional Court. The German court is a suitable case as it enjoys a sturdy and robust public support and has a comparatively long history of public relations and issuing press releases. The findings presented in the four chapters present a wide range of empirical evidence. In particular, I show that court decisions shape the policy issued discussed in the press releases through first-level agenda-setting dynamics. Additionally, I find evidence that press releases are published selectively and are more likely to occur when a decision declares a law unconstitutional. Concerning the news media, the results suggest that journalists rarely use court press releases when reporting on court decisions. However, if they use press releases for their reporting, they are more likely to use those that promote decisions that the public is already aware of. Finally, the likelihood of media coverage of FCC decisions is higher for those that were promoted with a press release and had high news value. The findings of my dissertation confirm that press releases help a court to communicate its policy agenda to the public. Moreover, my results suggest that court communication efforts partially serve the media logic, as I found first, that court decisions are more likely promoted with a press release if they entail newsworthy characteristics like conflict, relevance, and familiarity and second, that media coverage is more likely for decisions that entail these particular characteristics. Finally, since the likelihood of media coverage of court decisions is found to be higher when promoted with a press release, courts have considerable leverage to shape public opinion. Therefore, my results have implications for the research on strategic court behavior, court communication, and court reporting. Overall, since this dissertation offers novel perspectives on how courts communicate and how these efforts shape the media, it contributes to the growing discussion on open justice and the accountability of courts in times where judiciaries are under populist pressure. Hence, this dissertation has important implications for the sustainability of liberal democracy and the legitimacy of constitutional review in constitutional states.
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Institutionelles Repositorium der Leibniz Universität Hannover
2021
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/10391
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/10465
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/106612022-12-02T16:16:28Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_10doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Mapping the Research Landscape of Strategic Human Resource Management in Nonprofit Organizations : A Systematic Review and Avenues for Future Research
Baluch, Alina M.
Ridder, Hans-Gerd
HR architectures
HR practices
nonprofit organizations
strategic human resource management
systematic review
ddc:320
A decade after key theoretical developments in strategic human resource management (SHRM) in nonprofit organizations (NPOs), we still lack a comprehensive understanding of the disparate strands of empirical evidence. Furthermore, this growing field requires integration and synthesis of new themes and conceptual developments. Therefore, we conducted a systematic review of SHRM studies in NPOs published between 2008 and 2017. Our review of 74 articles synthesizes a fragmented body of research and maps out the relationships into a more integrated whole. By mapping the research landscape, we provide insights into the tensions NPOs face between external pressures and values, highlighting the underexplored role of managerial discretion in shaping NPOs’ differing responses. Our review expands the resource orientation to include a social capital dimension and identifies new empirical manifestations of human resource management (HRM) types. We offer avenues for research on content, process, outcomes of SHRM, and discuss how the interplay across key themes can inform the development of the field. © The Author(s) 2020.
status-type:publishedVersion
London : SAGE Publications Ltd.
2021
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/10584
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/10661
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/0899764020939653
ISSN:0899-7640
ESSN:1552-7395
Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 2020 (2020)
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/107382022-12-02T16:16:27Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Making ballots more user friendly : recommendations based on a survey experiment = Stimmzettel nutzerfreundlicher gestalten : Empfehlungen auf Grundlage eines Survey-Experimentes
Nyhuis, Dominic
Jankowski, Michael
Münchow, Felix
Harmening, Morten
Bruns, Jannik
Holly, Max
Karacic, Josip
Hönnige, Christoph
Ballots
Discrete choice experiments
Experiments
Local elections
Survey experiments
ddc:320
This paper takes the considerable variation in ballot design as a point of departure to ask which ballot features are preferred by voters. Using a discrete choice experiment as part of an online survey of 1200 German participants, we asked respondents to choose among fictious ballots that differed in terms of the information about the electoral system, information about the candidates, and the ballot design. The results show that respondents are opposed to lengthy explanations of the electoral system, but they are also critical when the explanation is too brief. Providing the candidates’ occupations and ages is welcomed, whereas candidate addresses are viewed with more skepticism. Overall, comprehension is the most important criterion for ballot evaluation. Based on the results, we discuss features of good ballots and present an example of a well-designed ballot. © 2020, The Author(s).
Die vorliegende Arbeit nimmt die große empirische Vielfalt in der Gestaltung von Stimmzetteln zum Anlass, um sich mit Frage zu beschäftigen, welche Stimmzettelmerkmale von Wählerinnen und Wählern gewünscht werden. Dazu greift die Studie auf ein Discrete-Choice-Experiment im Rahmen eines Online-Surveys mit rund 1200 deutschen Teilnehmenden zurück. Im Experiment entscheiden sich die Teilnehmenden zwischen fiktiven Stimmzetteln, die sich im Hinblick auf die Informationen zum Wahlsystem, die Informationen zu den Kandidierenden und das Design unterschieden. Im Ergebnis zeigt sich, dass die Teilnehmenden einer zu ausführlichen, aber auch einer zu knappen Erläuterung des Wahlsystems kritisch gegenüberstehen. Weiterhin schätzen die Teilnehmenden die Angabe von Beruf und Alter der Kandidierenden, während die Angabe von Kandidatenadressen skeptischer bewertet wird. Zudem kann festgestellt werden, dass die Verständlichkeit das wichtigste Kriterium für die Bewertung von Stimmzetteln ist. Auf Grundlage der Befunde werden Merkmale geeigneter Stimmzettel herausgearbeitet und ein gelungener Stimmzettel vorgestellt.
status-type:publishedVersion
Heidelberg : Springer
2020
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/10660
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/10738
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1007/s11615-020-00267-x
ISSN:0032-3470
ISSN:0720-7182
ESSN:1862-2860
Politische Vierteljahresschrift 62 (2020)
ger
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/108342022-12-02T16:19:28Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:BachelorThesisdoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Die Acceptance Speech und die Inaugural Address Donald Trumps‘ aus populismustheoretischer Perspektive
Billerbeck, Leon
Populismus
Vereinigte Staaten von Amerika
USA
Rechtspopulismus
Donald Trump
Antrittsrede
ddc:320
Im Jahre 2016 herrschte heller Aufruhr, als Donald J. Trump zum 45. Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten gewählt worden ist, und mit ihm eine ganz bestimmte, bislang für undenkbar gehaltene, Form des Rechtspopulismus die demokratischen Institutionen der Vereinigten Staaten von innen zu bedrohen schien. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die ideologisch-populistischen Positionierungen des Präsidenten in zwei seiner wichtigsten Reden vor und bei Antritt des Amtes und ordnet den POTUS in die Geschichte des amerikanischen Populismus ein.
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Institut für Politische Wissenschaft, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität
2018-07-13
doc-type:BachelorThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/10756
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/10834
ger
CC BY 3.0 DE
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/de/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/110982022-12-02T07:59:27Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_2col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Framework conditions and development potentials of (old) industrialised towns and regions in Central Europe - Utilising endogenous, place-based development potentials
Harfst, Jörn Alexander
regional development
old industrialised regions
governance
Regionalentwicklung
(Alt-)Industrieregionen
Governance
ddc:330
ddc:320
This PhD discusses regional development in (old) industrial regions in Central Europe. It especially addresses regions which are predominantly characterised by small- and medium-sized towns. Such entities have not featured prominently in discussions of structural change and regional development over the past thirty to forty years. Interconnected, the work sheds light on the role of utilising endogenous place-based potentials as a way to create alternative development paths for such regions, by also taking into account multi-level governance arrangements and European cohesion funding.
The PhD is structured around 5 articles, which all have dealt with different aspects of regional development in Central European and were published between 2011 and 2020. These articles draw on a range of different case studies. To understand the underlying dynamics of regional development in such (old) industrial places, the work utilises a range of important theoretical concepts, including theories of uneven development, ‘new regionalism’, and interconnecting concepts of endogenous, place-based development potentials, as well as multi-level governance arrangements in an European context.
In its results, the PhD shows via the case-study regions how (old) industrial regions outside agglomeration areas are affected by processes of structural change and maps the challenges which they face creating new development paths. It highlights the fact that the processes of structural change can be all consuming, combining a range of economic, social and ecological elements. This affects regions, which often suffer already from low administrational and human capacities. Related to this, the work shows that especially local and regional development initiatives (fostered by multi-level governance settings) enable regions to develop new capacities and innovative development solutions.
Overall, the results of this PhD raise important questions on how to conceptualise and maintain long-term perspectives of regional development in the focus regions under European cohesion policies.
Diese Dissertation befasst sich mit der Regionalentwicklung von (alt-)industriellen Regionen in Mitteleuropa. Sie fokussiert insbesondere auf solche Regionen, die überwiegend von Klein- und Mittelstädten geprägt sind und damit in der Diskussion um Strukturwandel und Regionalentwicklung in den vergangenen dreißig bis vierzig Jahren nicht im Vordergrund der Betrachtung standen. Dabei beleuchtet die Arbeit die Rolle endogener, ortsbezogener Potenziale als Möglichkeit, alternative Entwicklungspfade für solche Regionen zu schaffen und berücksichtigt dabei insb. Multi-Level-Governance-Systeme und die europäische Kohäsionspolitik.
Die Dissertation basiert auf 5 Artikeln, die sich alle mit unterschiedlichen Aspekten der Regionalentwicklung in Mitteleuropa befassen und zwischen 2011 und 2020 veröffentlicht wurden. Sie stützt sich dabei auf eine Reihe von unterschiedlichen Fallstudien aus ganz Mitteleuropa. Um die zugrundeliegende Dynamik der Regionalentwicklung in solchen (alt-)industriellen Orten besser zu verstehen, nutzt diese Arbeit eine Reihe theoretischer Konzepte, darunter Theorien der ungleichen Entwicklung, des "neuen Regionalismus", sowie damit zusammenhängende Konzepte endogener, ortsbezogener Entwicklungspotenziale, sowie Multi-Level-Governance im europäischen Kontext.
Im Ergebnis zeigt die Dissertation anhand der diskutierten Fallstudien-Regionen, wie (alt-)industrielle Regionen außerhalb von Agglomerationsräumen von Prozessen des Strukturwandels betroffen sind und bildet die Herausforderungen ab, vor denen sie bei der Gestaltung neuer Entwicklungspfade stehen. Dabei wird hervorgehoben, dass die Wandlungssprozesse allumfassend sein können und oftmals eine Reihe von ökonomischen, sozialen und ökologischen Elementen vereinen. Dies findet oft in Regionen statt, die ohnehin mit nur geringen administrativen und personellen Kapazitäten ausgestattet sind. In diesem Zusammenhang zeigt die Arbeit, dass es insbesondere lokale und regionale Entwicklungsinitiativen ermöglichen (gefördert durchKohäsionspolitik und Multi-Level-Governance-Settings), neue Kapazitäten und innovative Lösungen im Bezug auf regionale Entwicklung zu schaffen.
Insgesamt werfen die Ergebnisse dieser Doktorarbeit wichtige Fragen darüber auf, wie langfristige Perspektiven für die regionale Entwicklung in den Fokusregionen im Rahmen der europäischen Kohäsionspolitik geschaffen werden können.
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Institutionelles Repositorium der Leibniz Universität Hannover
2021
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/11016
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/11098
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/111232022-12-02T16:16:26Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
The Legislative Effects of Campaign Personalization An Analysis on the Legislative Behavior of Successful German Constituency Candidates
Zittel, Thomas
Nyhuis, Dominic
candidates
constituency campaigns
electoral systems
legislative behavior
personalization
ddc:320
Personalized campaign styles are of increasing importance in contemporary election campaigns at all levels of politics. Surprisingly, we know little about their implications for the behavior of successful candidates once they take public office. This paper aims to fill this gap in empirical and theoretical ways. It shows that campaign personalization results in legislative personalization. Legislators that ran personalized campaigns are found to be more likely to deviate in roll call votes and to take independent positions on the floor. These findings result from a novel dataset that matches survey evidence on candidates’ campaign styles in the 2009 German Federal Elections with the legislative behavior of successful candidates in the 17th German Bundestag (2009–2013). Combining data from the campaign and legislative arenas allows us to explore the wider consequences of campaign personalization. © The Author(s) 2020.
status-type:publishedVersion
Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.] : Sage
2020
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/11041
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/11123
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414020938103
ISSN:0010-4140
ESSN:1552-3829
Comparative Political Studies 54 (2020), Nr. 2
eng
CC BY-NC 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/114532022-12-02T16:19:28Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320
Und wo sind die Wahlfrauen? Defizite deskriptiver Repräsentation bei der Wahl der deutschen Bundespräsidenten
Köker, Philipp
Harmening, Morten
Federal Convention
Federal President
Electors
Presidential elections
Bundesversammlung
Bundespräsident
Präsidentschaftswahlen
Wahlleute
Wahlfrauen
ddc:320
Dieser Beitrag analysiert die Ursachen der fehlenden Geschlechterparität unter den Wahlleuten in der deutschen Bundesversammlung. Seit der deutschen Wiedervereinigung betrug der durchschnittliche Frauenanteil dort gerade einmal 32 Prozent. Zur differenzierten Herausarbeitung des Problems nutzt dieser Aufsatz einen neuen Datensatz zu allen Mitgliedern der deutschen Bundesversammlungen, 1994-2017. Der niedrige Frauenanteil lässt sich dabei nur teilweise auf die Existenz und unterschiedlich verbindliche Umsetzung von Quotenverfahren in den Parteien zurückführen. Unterschiede im parteiinternen Problemdruck sowie Einschränkungen durch Bindungen an externe Organisationen führen dazu, dass die Partei-en ihren Gestaltungsspielraum zur Erhöhung des Frauenanteils, den sie durch die Nominierung von nicht-parlamentarischen Wahlleuten eigentlich besitzen, nicht für diesen Zweck nutzen. Quotenregelungen zur Steigerung des Frauenanteils in Bundesversammlung stoßen schnell an praktische und verfassungsrechtliche Grenzen, sodass auf eine Annäherung an eine paritätische Besetzung zunächst vor allem durch eine Erhöhung des öffentlichen und parteiinternen Problembewusstseins hingewirkt werden könnte.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Baden-Baden : Nomos
2021-10
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/11366
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/11453
DOI:10.5771/0340-1758-2021-3-575
ISSN:0340-1758
ZParl Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52 (2021), Nr. 3
ZParl Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/116162022-12-02T16:19:28Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:BookPartddc:340doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Acting Presidents and Temporary Presidential Succession in European Republics
Köker, Philipp
Carstens, Hiske J. L.
Đorđević, Miroslav
Institute for Comparative Law, University of Belgrade
President
Acting president
presidential succession
Europe
constitutional law
Präsident
Stellvertretung
Verfassungsrecht
Europa
Staatsoberhaupt
ddc:320
ddc:340
Virtually all republican constitutions foresee mechanisms to ensure the continuous functioning of the presidency as the highest-ranking institution. While such rules have been most prominently discussed in the context of constitutional crises, they also apply to other instances, e.g. resignation or temporary unavailability due to illness or international travel. However, the rules governing temporary presidential succession still belong to the lesser researched topics in political science and comparative constitutional law. This paper provides an overview of the constitutional stipulations on acting presidents and their powers in 31 European republics. Thereby, it compares the formal-legal arrangements and defines different models of temporary succession. Furthermore, it discusses the practical applications of the rules by referring to illustrative examples from selected cases.
status-type:publishedVersion
Belgrade : Institute for Comparative Law
2021-11-22
doc-type:BookPart
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/11527
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/11616
ISBN:978-86-80186-76-4
Challenging traditional constitutional ideas in terms of modern state and politics
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/117652022-12-02T07:47:02Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962ddc:150doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesisddc:300
Das emanzipatorische Potenzial psychosomatischer Medizin. Zur Verflüchtigung des Sozialen und Verdrängung des Unbewussten in 60 Jahren Psychosomatik in der Bundesrepublik
Kellermann, Maren Anna
Psychosomatic medicine
institutionalization
psychoanalysis
Psychosomatische Medizin
Institutionalisierung
Psychoanalyse
Medikalisierung
ddc:150
ddc:320
ddc:300
Psychosomatische Medizin durchlief in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten eine ambivalente Entwicklung: Während eines erfolgreichen Institutionalisierungsprozess verblassten ehemals entscheidende Fragen nach dem Zusammenhang von psychischen Konflikten und körperlichen Krankheiten an der Schnittstelle von Körper, Psyche und Gesellschaft, während der Bedarf nach psychosomatischen Behandlungsmethoden stetig steigt.
Dieser Prozess wird in der Dissertation auf zwei Ebenen untersucht. Zunächst werden ausgewählte psychosomatische Konzepte und Modellvorstellungen analysiert, begonnen mit den psychosomatischen Überlegungen Sigmund Freuds. Die Wurzeln der heutigen Psychosomatik waren psychoanalytisch orientiert, die frühe Psychosomatik ging von unbewussten Konflikten und deren Ausdruck im Somatischen aus. Einige Modellvorstellungen betrachten (psycho)somatische Leiden als eine mögliche Art des Ausdrucks drängender sozialer Probleme und den damit verbundenen innerpsychischen Konflikten. Zudem wird in der Dissertation anhand politikwissenschaftlicher Instituionentheorie die institutionelle Entwicklung und Festigung der Psychosomatik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland untersucht. Seit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs wurde die Psychosomatik ausgebaut und meist den medizinischen Fakultäten angegliedert, was einen Anpassungsprozess an medizinische Paradigmen vermuten lässt. Der Wandel in den grundlegenden psychosomatischen Annahmen wird anhand ausgewählter Aufsätze aus der Zeitschrift für Psychosomatische Medizin und Psychotherapie diskursanalytisch untersucht. So wird exemplarisch unterstrichen, dass der Fokus der psychosomatischen Medizin im wissenschaftlichen Fachdiskurs sich von den einstmals zentralen psychoanalytischen Perspektiven entfernt und ein möglicher Zusammenhang von Individuum, Gesellschaft und Erkrankung spielt keine nennenswerte Rolle mehr; an diese Stelle tritt ein oftmals diffuser Stressbegriff. Das biopsychosoziale Modell hat zwar an Einfluss gewonnen, wird dem umfassenden Anspruch des eigenen Namens jedoch kaum gerecht. So wird der Blick von sozioökonomischen Konfliktlinien abgelenkt, indem die Verantwortung für das Leiden an gesellschaftlichen Verhältnissen individualisiert und auch in der Psychosomatik biologisiert wird. Durch diese Entwicklung liegt das einzigartige Potenzial der Psychosomatik für ätiologische und therapeutische Fragen zunehmend brach, es könnte aber reaktiviert werden.
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Institutionelles Repositorium der Leibniz Universität Hannover
2022
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/11672
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/11765
ger
CC BY-NC 3.0 DE
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/de/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/116902022-12-02T19:35:27Zcom_123456789_11col_123456789_12doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:300
The partisan politics of the penal–welfare nexus: a quantitative analysis of party influence on the relationship between penal and welfare policies
Staff, Helge
Wenzelburger, Georg
law and order
partisan effects
penal policies
welfare state
ddc:300
ddc:320
Evidence of a link between the retrenchment of the welfare state and the expansion of the penal state has sparked a debate about the existence of a nexus. In this study, we critically explore this link by focusing on political parties. First, we argue that welfare and penal policies are likely to follow distinct paths, with left-liberal/green parties pushing for less punitive penal and market-liberal/conservative parties for less generous welfare policy. Second, we only expect a nexus between both policy domains if conservative or “third way” social democratic governments are in power. The former follows a coherent ideology, the latter compensates for welfare retrenchment with tough-on-crime policies. We test these claims quantitatively on a unique dataset covering all changes to welfare and penal legislation in Denmark, Germany, the United Kingdom and France between 1990 and 2014 and find our expectations supported except conservative influence on the penal–welfare nexus.
status-type:publishedVersion
Cambridge : Cambridge Univ. Press
2021
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/11599
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/11690
DOI:10.1017/S0143814X20000161
ISSN:0143-814X
ESSN:1469-7815
Journal of Public Policy 41 (2021), Nr. 3
Journal of Public Policy 41 (2021), Nr. 3
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden. Dieser Beitrag ist aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/116982022-12-13T15:14:00Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_10doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Collective bargaining coverage, works councils and the new German minimum wage
Bellmann, Lutz
Bossler, Mario
Gerner, Hans-Dieter
Hübler, Olaf
Collective bargaining
industrial relations
works councils
ddc:330
ddc:320
This article assesses the role of the recent introduction of the minimum wage for collective bargaining coverage and works councils in Germany. The new minimum wage was initiated to strengthen German tariff autonomy, but effects on collective bargaining coverage are theoretically ambivalent. Using the IAB Establishment Panel, descriptive regressions show that firms covered by a collective bargaining contract are much less likely affected by the minimum wage. To construct a counterfactual for the group of affected establishments, the authors apply an entropy balancing procedure. Subsequent difference-in-differences estimates reveal a slight decline in collective bargaining participation, which falls short of statistical significance. Although the effect on opting into collective bargaining is even slightly positive, the authors observe a significant decrease in coverage through firms that exit collective agreements.
status-type:publishedVersion
London : SAGE
2021
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/11607
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/11698
DOI:10.1177/0143831X18762304
ISSN:0143-831X
ESSN:1461-7099
Economic and Industrial Democracy 42 (2021), Nr. 2
Economic and Industrial Democracy
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden. Dieser Beitrag ist aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/118712022-12-02T16:19:28Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_10status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320
Modelling nature-based tourism impacts on rural development and conservation in Sikunga Conservancy, Namibia
Gronau, Steven
Grote, Ulrike
Nature-based tourism
conservation
community-based natural resource management
nutrition
mathematical programming
ddc:320
Community-based natural resource management and nature-based tourism often go hand in hand to drive conservation and economic development in sub-Saharan Africa. However, the complementarity of the two strategies is controversially discussed in the literature. Built on survey data from 200 households conducted in 2012 we analysed the trade-off between conservation and development objectives by means of a mathematical programming model representing the economy of a rural conservancy in Namibia. We found that in the scenario describing unrestricted resource extraction, local communities mainly benefit from fishing and utilising forest products. In comparison, the scenario representing the social optimum, implying sustainably managed fish stocks and appropriate diets for community inhabitants, shows that community households increase agricultural diversification and shift livelihoods towards tourism employment.
status-type:acceptedVersion
London [u.a.] : Taylor & Francis
2017
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/11778
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/11871
DOI:10.1080/0376835X.2016.1269638
ISSN:0376-835X
ESSN:1470-3637
Development Southern Africa 34 (2017), Nr. 3
Development Southern Africa
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/119242022-02-24T17:11:56Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320doc-type:Other
An Introduction to Elite Interviewing
Köker, Philipp
elite interviewing
qualitative research
semi-structured interviews
challenging behaviour
consent
elites
flexibility
gratitude
knowledge
memory
motivation
personality
power and power relations
practices, strategies, and tools
preparedness
rapport
recording
representation
roles and responsibilities
ddc:320
Dr Philipp Koeker explains how elite interviews differ from other interviews, and he offers suggestions for success. He identifies elite characteristics, access difficulties, power challenges, and reliability.
status-type:acceptedVersion
London : SAGE Publications Ltd.
2016-05
doc-type:Other
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/11829
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/11924
DOI:10.4135/9781473968660
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/119252022-12-13T15:14:00Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320doc-type:Other
Researching Presidential Activism Using Mixed Methods
Köker, Philipp
presidential activism
mixed methods
nested analysis
elite interviews
Central and Eastern Europe
activism
decision making
democratization
Eastern Europeans
election types
expert opinion
financial capacity
language barrier
political behaviour
political elites
political power
political process
political scandals
political science
power and authority
power and power relations
practices, strategies, and tools
presidential communication
presidential duties and responsibilities
trust
veto power
vetoes and veto overrides
wiretapping
ddc:320
Dr Philipp Koeker describes the benefits and challenges of using mixed-methods research. His study investigated how and why Eastern European presidents use their veto powers, mixing statistical analysis and elite interviews.
status-type:acceptedVersion
London : SAGE
2016-05
doc-type:Other
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/11830
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/11925
DOI:10.4135/9781473966949
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/123592022-12-02T16:16:27Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Temporal Strategies: Governments Alter the Pace of Legislation in Bicameralism Depending on Electoral Expectations
Garwe, Christoph
Engst, Benjamin G.
Stawicki, Yannick G.
Hönnige, Christoph
bicameralism
Germany
legislative agenda
legislative time
staggered elections
ddc:320
Does a government in a bicameral system strategically alter the length of the legislative process in the first chamber in anticipation of future majorities in the second chamber? Drawing on an existing formal model of dynamic policymaking, we argue that governing majorities strategically accelerate or delay their agenda when a potential majority change in the second chamber is imminent. If the government fears losing control over the second chamber, then the government accelerates their agenda. By contrast, if the government hopes to gain control over the second chamber, the government decelerates their agenda. We test our argument in Germany's symmetric and asymmetric bicameralism by analyzing 1,966 governmental bills from 1998 to 2013. The analyses confirm our expectations for symmetric bicameralism, thus suggesting that the synchronicity of election cycles should be taken into account both in the analysis of bicameral systems and in institutional design of such systems. © 2020 The Authors. Legislative Studies Quarterly published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of Washington University in St. Louis
status-type:publishedVersion
Hoboken, NJ [u.a.] : Wiley
2022
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/12261
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/12359
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12327
ESSN:1939-9162
Legislative Studies Quarterly 47 (2022), Nr. 1
Legislative Studies Quarterly
eng
CC BY-NC 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/123642022-12-02T16:16:27Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_10doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:380
The complex triad of congruence issues in influencer marketing
Mettenheim, Walter von
Wiedmann, Klaus-Peter
ddc:380
ddc:320
Finding a fitting endorser has proven to be one of the most delicate and critical tasks of influencer marketing. This research explores the relevance of the congruency of the influencer personality with (1) brand personality and consumers' (2) actual/(3) ideal selves. Additionally, the (4) moderating role of involvement is considered, the impacts on post attitude/belief, brand trust and purchase intention are thereby studied. The novelty of this study lies in the integral examination of the types of congruencies and involvement in the context of influencer marketing as well as the consideration of their impact on the brand-related variables. Based on an online survey with 547 participants analyzed by means of structural equation modeling in SmartPLS, partly counterintuitive findings were produced. When the involvement level rises, congruence with consumers' actual selves becomes more important. Under low-involvement conditions, practitioners should pay more attention to influencers' fit with consumers' ideal selves. An adequate fit between brand and endorser is paramount and becomes even more important under high-involvement conditions. Overall, this study reveals that the three types of congruency and involvement interact in a very unique way in the context of influencer marketing. © 2021 The Authors. Journal of Consumer Behaviour published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
status-type:publishedVersion
Chichester : Wiley
2021
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/12266
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/12364
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1002/cb.1935
ESSN:1479-1838
Journal of Consumer Behaviour 20 (2021), Nr. 5
Journal of Consumer Behaviour
eng
CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/125022022-12-02T16:16:26Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Disproportionality in media representations of campaign negativity
Nyhuis, Dominic
Song, Hyunjin
Boomgaarden, Hajo
elections and campaigns
exponential random graph models
mass media and political communication
Negative campaigning
political parties and interest groups
quantitative methods
ddc:320
We explore mediated representations of parties' campaign interactions in multi-party systems. Actors in multi-party systems can engage with different actors on multiple issues. One crucial aspect of such engagement is the element of negativity - voicing criticisms of other actors' actions and policy proposals. This contribution argues that the media systematically exaggerate patterns of negativity based on issue ownership structures, such that attacks originating from or targeting issue owners are significantly more likely to be covered. We analyze a broad sample of news content from the 2013 Austrian national election campaign with generalized exponential random graph models to capture the complexities of mediated campaign negativity in a multi-party system while controlling for non-mediated campaign negativity. The results show that issue owners are more likely to be featured as attackers and targets in owned policy domains, suggesting a violation of the normative ideal of a fair representation of campaign interactions. Copyright © The European Political Science Association 2020.
status-type:publishedVersion
Cambridge : Cambridge Univ. Press
2021
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/12403
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/12502
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2020.4
ESSN:2049-8489
Political Science Research and Methods 9 (2021), Nr. 3
Political Science Research and Methods
eng
CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/128122022-12-02T07:59:27Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_10col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
Borders, policies and illusions: Essays on the political economy of federalism and trade
Hoffstadt, Martin
Borders
Federalism
Decentralisation
Communal border reforms
Communal mergers
Antidumping
Cartel
Trade
International Trade
Yugoslavia
Serbia
Croatia
Slovenia
Bosnia-Herzegovina
Montenegro
Macedonia
Worker's self-management
Political Economy
Grenzen
Föderalismus
Dezentralisierung
Gemeindereformen
Gebietsreformen
Antidumping
Kartell
Handel
Internationaler Handel
Jugoslawien
Serbien
Kroatien
Slowenien
Bosnien-Herzegowina
Montenegro
Mazedonien
Arbeiterselbstverwaltung
Politische Ökonomie
ddc:330
ddc:320
This PhD thesis studies the implications of local governance, decentralisation and regional autonomy under federalism. Furthermore, it contributes to the trade literature by bringing together the largely separated research on cartel behaviour and anti-dumping policy. More explicitly, this thesis identifies empirically that the implementation of communal mergers, regional autonomy and anti-dumping policy leads to unexpected outcomes. Chapter 2 and Chapter 3 use the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia between 1945-1991 as a case to study the local implications of communal mergers and of the decentralisation of government functions. Chapter 4 combines the largest databases on anti-dumping and antitrust cases to study the relationship of global cartels and anti-dumping laws. In response to policy-makers, this thesis argues that it is an illusion to expect that communal mergers only improve governance efficiency, that it is an illusion to expect federalism to more accurately reflect preferences of local populations, and that it is an illusion to expect that anti-dumping policy only protects competitive markets.
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Institutionelles Repositorium der Leibniz Universität Hannover
2022
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/12712
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/12812
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/129332022-12-02T16:19:28Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320
Getting in, moving up, dropping out. The threefold social selectivity of participation in political parties – an empirical analysis of party members, former party members and the general public in Germany in 2017
Frederik, Springer
Markus, Klein
Yvonne, Lüdecke
Philipp, Becker
Lisa, Czeczinski
Bastian, Schmidt
Party membership
joining parties
leaving parties
political office holder
political inequality
ddc:320
Does the probability to join a political party, to become a party functionary, and to leave a party depend on individuals’ socioeconomic status? Political parties are central mediating actors between the population and the state; thus, it is reasonable to assume that unequal participation within parties fosters unequal political representation. However, due to data limitations no study has hitherto examined the social selectivity of the whole party membership cycle. We shed light on these issues by analysing original data from the German Party Membership Study 2017. We find that socially disadvantaged individuals are less likely to become and to stay party members and have a lower proclivity for holding political offices. These effects persist even after controlling for socialpsychological variables and the general incentives for party membership. However, in line with recent findings on voter turnout we show that social selectivity is partly mediated by political efficacy.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Abingdon : Taylor & Francis
2020-03-04
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/12933
https://doi.org/10.15488/12830
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2020.1736816
ISSN:2374-5118
ESSN:2374-5126
European Politics and Society 22 (2020), Nr.1
European Politics and Society 22 (2020), Nr.1
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/129602022-12-02T16:19:28Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Der Gang in den Schatten der Macht. Warum engagiert man sich überhaupt in einer Klein(st)partei?
Walking in the Shadows of Power. Why Get Involved in a Small or Marginal Party at all?
Bartels, Jan-Eric
Springer, Frederik
Party members
Small parties
Marginal parties
General incentives model
Motivations
Kleinparteien
Kleinstparteien
Parteimitglieder
General-Incentives-Modell
Motivationen
ddc:320
Ein erheblicher Anteil der Parteimitglieder in Deutschland entfällt
auf Kleinparteien und Kleinstparteien. So stellt die Gruppe der Klein(st)parteien summiert die drittmeisten Parteimitglieder in Deutschland. In Anbetracht einer wachsenden Anzahl und eines zunehmenden Stimmenanteils von Klein(st)parteien ist von einer steigenden Relevanz ihrer Mitgliedschaft auszugehen. Über diese große Gruppe ist, trotz vieler Untersuchungen von Parteimitgliedern im Allgemeinen, bisher sehr wenig bekannt. Dieser Beitrag ermittelt mit Schwerpunkt auf dem General-Incentives-Modell die Motivationen für den „Gang in den Schatten der Macht“. Mittels Rückgriff auf Daten der Deutschen Parteimitgliederstudie 2009 wird gezeigt, dass die Mitgliedschaft in einer Klein(st)partei vor allem durch die Unzufriedenheit mit politischen Akteuren und dem System insgesamt sowie aus ideologischer Motivation gespeist wird. Klein(st)parteimitglieder sind ferner aktiver in ihrer Partei, verknüpfen mit ihrer Mitgliedschaft eher die Übernahme von Parteiämtern und ziehen eine größere Befriedigung aus ihrer Mitgliedschaft.
A considerable proportion of party members in Germany belong to small
and marginal parties. Thus, the group of small and marginal parties is in third place
when it comes to party members in Germany. In view of the growing number and
share of votes of small and marginal parties, it can be assumed that their membership
is becoming increasingly relevant. Little is known about this large group, despite
many studies centering on party members in general. This paper focuses on the
general incentives model to determine the motivations for “going into the shadow of
power.” Using data from the German Party Membership Study of 2009, it is shown
that membership in a small or marginal party is mainly driven by dissatisfaction with
political actors and the political system and by ideological motivation. Members of
small and marginal parties are also more active in their party, tend to associate their
membership with the assumption of a party office, and derive greater satisfaction
from their membership.
status-type:publishedVersion
Wiesbaden : Springer VS
2021
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/12856
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/12960
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1007/s11615-021-00322-1
ISSN:0032-3470
ESSN:1862-2860
Politische Vierteljahresschrift 62 (2021) Nr. 3
Politische Vierteljahresschrift 62 (2021) Nr. 3
ger
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/130362024-01-09T14:53:27Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_10doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:300
Shocks, household consumption, and livelihood diversification: a comparative evidence from panel data in rural Thailand and Vietnam
Nguyen, Duy Linh
Nguyen, Trung Thanh
Grote, Ulrike
Covariate and idiosyncratic shocks
Diversification
Household consumption
System-generalized method of moments
ddc:300
ddc:330
ddc:320
We examine the roles of land and labor diversification in mitigating the effects of covariate and idiosyncratic shocks in the two middle-income countries Thailand and Vietnam. We use an unbalanced panel dataset of rural households obtained from five survey waves during 2007–2016 (9291 households for Thailand and 9255 households for Vietnam). We employ the System-Generalized Method of Moments estimators to control for endogeneity. Our study finds that (i) rural households in both countries are able to maintain per capita consumption in the face of idiosyncratic shocks but not covariate shocks; (ii) labor diversification in Thailand and land diversification in Vietnam are used as ex-post coping strategies against covariate shocks but their shock-mitigating roles are insignificant; and (iii) land diversification in Thailand and labor diversification in Vietnam are helpful in improving per capita consumption when households face covariate shocks. Our findings suggest that facilitating access to credit, enhancing farm mechanization, and improving road quality in Thailand as well as promoting the development of local rural nonfarm sectors in Vietnam would benefit rural households in dealing with covariate shocks. © 2022, The Author(s).
status-type:publishedVersion
Dordrecht : Springer Science & Business Media B.V.
2022
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/12932
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/13036
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1007/s10644-022-09400-9
ESSN:1574-0277
Economic change & restructuring (2022), online first
Economic change & restructuring
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/130942022-12-02T16:16:27Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Remembering Robert Elgie: a blogging academic
Köker, Philipp
Academic blogging
Presidential power
Robert Elgie
Semipresidentialism
ddc:320
[No abstract available]
status-type:publishedVersion
Cham, Switzerland : Springer International Publishing AG
2022
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/12990
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/13094
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1057/s41253-022-00181-1
ESSN:1476-3427
French politics 20 (2022), Nr. 2
French politics
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/132542024-02-14T09:26:24Zcom_123456789_1com_123456789_2961col_123456789_9col_123456789_2962doc-type:Bookdoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesisddc:370ddc:300
Vererbte Regionen : Aneignungen und Nutzungen von regionalem Heritage
im Wendland und in der Lausitz im Vergleich
Hagemann, Jenny
Schmiechen-Ackermann, Detlef
Bös, Mathias
Kulturerbe
Region
Identität
Wendland
Lausitz
Grenze
Transformation
Diskursanalyse
20. Jahrhundert
Erinnerungskultur
Raum
Kulturanthropologie
Kulturgeographie
Sozialgeographie
Kulturmarketing
Kulturwissenschaft
ddc:320
ddc:370
ddc:300
Kulturelles Erbe spielt in Grenzregionen nicht nur im Kontext von Beheimatung eine zentrale Rolle, es kommt auch in energieindustriell bedingten Transformationsprozessen zum Tragen: so etwa im Wendland als ehemaligem »Zonenrandgebiet« und in der Lausitz als Nachbar zu Polen seit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs. Seinen zugrunde liegenden historischen Entwicklungen und aktuellen Handlungsräumen geht Jenny Hagemann in ihrer interdisziplinären Studie nach, indem sie historischen Vergleich, Diskursanalyse und qualitative Interviews miteinander verbindet. Sie liefert neue Erkenntnisse für Heritage Studies und Regionalgeschichte gleichermaßen und bietet erstmals Vorschläge zur Konzeptionalisierung von »regionalem Heritage« an.
status-type:publishedVersion
Bielefeld : transcript Verlag
2022-11-01
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Book
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/13149
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/13254
DOI:https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839462782
ISSN:2702-8968
ISBN:9783839462782
ISBN:9783837662788
ESSN:2702-8976
Edition Kulturwissenschaft ; 277
ger
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/135142023-04-12T06:47:28Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Textdoc-type:Recensionopen_accessddc:320
Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism: Democratic Design & the Separation of Powers. By Steffen Ganghof. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021. 224p. $85.00 cloth. - Democracy and Executive Power: Policymaking Accountability in the US, the UK, Germany, and France. By Susan Rose-Ackerman. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2021. 424p. $65.00 cloth. - Comparing Cabinets: Dilemmas of Collective Government. By Patrick Weller, Dennis C. Grube, and R. A. W. Rhodes. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021. 288p. $100.00 cloth.
Köker, Philipp
ddc:320
The political executive has been an established subject of study in political science for decades. Early research was often dominated by single-country studies or approaches that built their assumptions on the institutional structure and practices of classic archetypes, while truly comparative approaches only emerged later. Nevertheless, to this day the field remains highly heterogenous in both theory, method, and focus of research (e.g., see Rudy Andeweg et al., eds., Oxford Handbook of Political Executives, 2020). The three books reviewed here are indicative of this heterogeneity—although the authors address interrelated questions of executive accountability and the practice of democratic executive governance that are at the core of many studies of political executives and even cover some of the same cases in their empirical analyses, the books arguably each represent a different stream of the literature.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Cambridge : Cambridge Univ. Press
2023-03-24
doc-type:Recension
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/13405
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/13514
DOI:10.1017/S1537592722003668
ISSN:1537-5927
ESSN:1541-0986
Perspectives on Politics 21 (2023), Nr. 1
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/138982024-02-14T15:25:39Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320doc-type:Other
The Corona-Pandemic In Central And Eastern Europe – Between Concerted Executive Action And Creeping Authoritarianism
Köker, Philipp
Central and Eastern Europe
Covid19
authoritarianism
pandemic politics
ddc:320
The Corona-pandemic has executives around the world facing new and in fact unprecedented challenges. While international media attention on Europe has largely focussed on Western European nations– notably on the Italy, Spain, Germany and the UK – and their responses, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have likewise scrambled to quickly implement measures to contain the pandemic’s spread. The latter is of particularly urgency for many CEE nations as their public health care system are in many aspects still a far cry from the capacities of its Western neighbours. Although actions have been characterised by remarkable cooperation between and within executives and legislatures, the urgency and speed of the response has meant that countries dispensed with normal mechanisms of scrutiny and in some cases adopted policies and decisions that may have long-lasting effects on the structure of executive power.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Minas Gerais : PEX Network
2020-04-02
doc-type:Other
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/13788
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/13898
https://pex-network.com/2020/04/02/the-corona-pandemic-in-central-and-eastern-europe-between-concerted-executive-action-and-creeping-authoritarianism/
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/139062023-06-06T01:00:17Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
The legitimacy-conferring capacity of constitutional courts: Evidence from a comparative survey experiment
Sternberg, Sebastian
Brouard, Sylvain
Hönnige, Christoph
constitutional court
experiments
public opinion
ddc:320
Can constitutional court decisions shape public opinion on a governmental policy? Previous studies have focused on the US Supreme Court, which enjoys a high degree of public support as the major resource of power for courts. In this study, we examine the extent to which courts can influence public opinion regarding a government bill at European courts. First, we argue that the public support for courts also allows them to move public opinion on policies into the direction of their decisions. This works in both directions: they can confer legitimacy to a policy that they support, but they can also de-legitimize a policy that they oppose. Second, we argue that this mechanism strongly depends on the amount of support that a court receives. It only has an effect for courts that possess a higher institutional legitimacy and among the group of citizens trusting a court. We test our arguments by combining a most different systems design for France and Germany with a survey priming experiment on a school security bill. France and Germany are selected for a most different systems design as they exhibit different institutional designs as well as different levels of support for the court at the aggregate level. The survey experiment is implemented within large national election surveys, the German Internet Panel and the French National Election Study. Both experiments contain more than 2,600 respondents each. Our survey experiment primes for decision outcomes and different institutions to understand whether there are differences between an institution supporting and opposing a policy and between a court and alternative institutions. Our findings confirm that with higher public support, courts can move the opinion of citizens to both legitimize and de-legitimize a policy. This effect can be found at the aggregate level for a court enjoying higher public support, but also at the individual level for respondents with higher trust in the court. Interestingly, courts can even move the opinion of citizens with strong prior attitudes in the opposite direction, if these citizens highly trust the court. These findings have implications beyond the study itself. First, they confirm that the legitimacy-conferring effect can also be observed for European courts, not only for the US Supreme Court. Second, they show that the relevance of a mechanism identified for a single case, like the US Supreme Court, might only hold for specific conditions. As public support for courts strongly varies across countries in Europe, we also expect the impact of any mechanism relying on public support to strongly vary, as we can observe in our own analysis.
status-type:publishedVersion
Oxford : Blackwell Publ.
2021
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/13796
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/13906
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12480
ISSN:0304-4130
ESSN:1475-6765
European journal of political research : official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research 61 (2022), Nr. 4
European journal of political research : official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research
eng
CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/140052023-06-22T01:00:12Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Hostettler, Karin (2020): Kritik – Selbstaffirmation – Othering. Immanuel Kants Denken der Zweckmäßigkeit und die koloniale Episteme.
Eberl, Oliver
ddc:320
[no abstract available]
status-type:publishedVersion
Berlin ; Heidelberg : Springer
2021
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/13891
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/14005
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1007/s11615-021-00320-3
ISSN:0032-3470
ESSN:1862-2860
Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly 62 (2021), Nr. 2
Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly
ger
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/140072023-06-22T01:00:19Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Rüb, Friedbert W. (2020): Das Jahrhundert der Politik. Eine Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts im Licht ihrer Politikbegriffe
Huhnholz, Sebastian
ddc:320
[no abstract available]
status-type:publishedVersion
Berlin ; Heidelberg : Springer
2021
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/13893
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/14007
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1007/s11615-020-00298-4
ISSN:0032-3470
ESSN:1862-2860
Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly 62 (2021), Nr. 1
Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly
ger
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/140092023-06-22T01:00:11Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Ministerial bureaucracy and interest groups – New and forgotten perspectives on an old topic
Ministerialverwaltung und Interessengruppen – Neues und Vergessenes zu einem alten Thema
Döhler, Marian
ddc:320
German Federal Ministries play a central role in the initiation and formulation of political initiatives by the Federal Government. This repeatedly raises the question of interest group influence. In media reporting, but also scientific discussions, the answer is usually sought under the keyword “lobbyism”, in which the ministerial bureaucracy appears to be largely a passive recipient of external influence. This view is challenged by applying a three-dimensional analysis. The initial hypothesis is that the ministerial bureaucracy is capable of strategic interaction, which is first illustrated at the macro level of relations between the state and organized interests. Second, the effect of organization and procedures of the ministerial bureaucracy on the relationship with interest groups is examined. Finally, the attitudes of ministerial bureaucrats in dealing with organized interests are reconstructed by using data from an online survey. The result is that the interactions between the two sides go far beyond the one-way automatism suggested in the lobbying concept.
Die Bundesministerien nehmen bei der Initiierung und Formulierung politischer Vorhaben der Bundesregierung eine zentrale Rolle ein. Dies wirft immer wieder die Frage nach dem Einfluss organisierter Interessen auf. In der medialen Berichterstattung, aber auch in der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion wird die Antwort zumeist unter dem Stichwort „Lobbyismus“ gesucht. Die Ministerialverwaltung erscheint dabei überwiegend als passiver Adressat externer Einflussbestrebungen. Dieser Sichtweise soll mit Hilfe einer drei Dimensionen umfassenden Analyse entgegengetreten werden. Die Ausgangsthese lautet, dass die Ministerialverwaltung zu strategischer Interaktion befähigt ist, was zunächst auf der Makroebene der Beziehungen zwischen Staat und organisierten Interessen illustriert wird. Daran anschließend wird zweitens der Einfluss von Organisation und Arbeitsweise der Ministerialverwaltung auf die Beziehungen zu Verbänden untersucht. Die dritte Dimension schließlich gilt den Einstellungen der Ministerialverwaltung im Umgang mit organisierten Interessen. Im Ergebnis ist festzustellen, dass die Interaktionen zwischen beiden Seiten deutlich über die Automatismen der Interessendurchsetzung hinausgehen, wie sie im Lobbyismus-Konzept unterstellt werden.
status-type:publishedVersion
Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland AG
2020
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/13895
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/14009
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1007/s41358-020-00210-x
ISSN:1430-6387
ESSN:2366-2638
Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft : ZPol = Journal of political science 30 (2020), Nr. 1
Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft : ZPol = Journal of political science
ger
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/140102023-06-22T01:00:17Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Koselleck, Reinhart, und Carl Schmitt (2019): Der Briefwechsel 1953–1983. Herausgegeben von Jan Eike Dunkhase
Huhnholz, Sebastian
ddc:320
[no abstract available]
status-type:publishedVersion
Berlin ; Heidelberg : Springer
2020
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/13896
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/14010
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1007/s11615-020-00242-6
ISSN:0032-3470
ESSN:1862-2860
Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly 61 (2020), Nr. 2
Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly
ger
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/140622023-07-05T06:48:10Zcom_123456789_2961col_123456789_2962doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:DoctoralThesis
The assertive presidency – understanding preemptive executive pressure on foreign policy legislation in the US
Wiedekind, Jakob
American foreign policy
interbranch dynamics
presidents
Amerikanische Außenpolitik
Inter-Institutionelle Beziehungen
Präsidenten
ddc:320
The specter of an increasingly uneven distribution of power between the Executive Branch and Congress looms large in scholarship on the separation of powers in American government. This is particularly evident in the design and exercise of foreign policy. While the presidents’ use of legislative powers like the veto has been studied extensively, I argue that preemptive presidential interventions during the process of lawmaking are a subtler and less politically costly tool that is more important than scholars realized. This project focuses on American foreign policy lawmaking and examines the extent to which it is characterized by presidential assertiveness communicated to Congress through a hitherto understudies tool of executive intervention. Specifically, I seek to understand how contemporary presidents use Statements of Administration Policy (SAPs), a relatively new class of executive communications designed to preemptively intervene in key legislation as it is drafted in Congress. Delivered at a crucial intervention point along the legislative process, these communications provide a key opportunity for presidents to challenge specific provisions. Embedded in the broader discourse on struggling congressional checks on the executive, this project fills a gap in the understanding of the dynamics that shape the balance of power between Congress and the president. I find that interbranch confrontations increased significantly after the critical juncture of 9/11 and that Congress gradually expanded the use of its authorization leverage over time. In addition, two contextual predictors of increasing presidential assertiveness in preemptive messages to Congress stand out: divided government and presidential election years. My results indicate that presidents still cannot achieve many of their foreign policy goal without negotiating with Congress within contested bargaining procedures. Overall, my dissertation makes three principal contributions to the ongoing research on domestic underpinnings of US foreign policy: First, my findings quality the image of unchecked presidential discretion and highlight the continuous relevance of interbranch contestation in foreign policy. Second, I show that the mechanisms of change as laid out by historical institutionalism are useful for explaining long-term shifts in interbranch dynamics. Third, I introduce a novel assertiveness-score based on a relatively new source of presidential position language, which can be adapted for other research purposes.
status-type:publishedVersion
Hannover : Institutionelles Repositorium der Leibniz Universität Hannover
2023
doc-type:DoctoralThesis
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/13948
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/14062
eng
CC BY 3.0 DE
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/de/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/141412023-07-01T01:00:07Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_10doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:330status-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Female rural–urban migrants and online marketplaces in emerging economies: Evidence from Thailand and Vietnam
Nguyen, Trung Thanh
Do, Manh Hung
endogenous
heterogeneity
impact
instrumental variable
poverty
welfare
ddc:320
ddc:330
This research aimed to examine the factors affecting the participation of female rural–urban migrants in online marketplaces, and the welfare gains and their distribution. Our analysis was based on a unique dataset of rural households, villages, and rural–urban migrants in Thailand and Vietnam. Online market participation is classified into three activities: financial transactions, trading, and business. We accounted for the endogeneity issue of online market participation in the assessment of welfare impact by using an instrumental variable approach. Our results show that participation has a positive effect on the consumption of female migrants only when they participate in the complete bundle of online market activities. In addition, we find that the poor benefit insignificantly from online marketplaces. This raises a concern about increasing welfare inequality and suggests the poor should be supported so they are not left behind.
status-type:publishedVersion
Hoboken, NJ : Wiley-Blackwell
2022
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/14027
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/14141
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.359
ISSN:2050-2680
ESSN:2050-2680
Asia & the Pacific policy studies 9 (2022), Nr. 3
Asia & the Pacific policy studies
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/142122023-07-07T01:00:10Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_2doc-type:Articleddc:640doc-type:Textddc:630open_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
The prospects of innovative agri-environmental contracts in the European policy context: Results from a Delphi study
Kelemen, Eszter
Megyesi, Boldizsár
Matzdorf, Bettina
Andersen, Erling
van Bussel, Lenny G.J.
Dumortier, Myriam
Dutilly, Céline
García-Llorente, Marina
Hamon, Christine
LePage, Annabelle
Moruzzo, Roberta
Prager, Katrin
Riccioli, Francesco
Yacamán-Ochoa, Carolina
Agri-environmental schemes
Collective contracts
Contract design
Policy Delphi
Result-based payments
Value chain contracts
ddc:630
ddc:640
ddc:320
Innovative agri-environmental contracts are increasingly studied in the literature, but their adoption has been relatively slow and geographically scattered. Action-based agri-environmental measures remain the predominant policy mechanism across Europe. A three-round Policy Delphi study was conducted with policy makers, scientific experts, farmers’ representatives, and NGOs from across 15 different European countries, to investigate how and under which circumstances novel contractual solutions could be implemented more widely. The expert panel perceived result-based and collective contractual elements as the most promising. Although considered beneficial from several aspects, value chain contracts were perceived less relevant to the policy environment. The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) Pillar 2 measures were highlighted by the experts as the key policy area to implement novel contracts by national or regional authorities, but Pillar 1 eco-schemes, being launched in the CAP 2023–2027, were also considered as a potentially suitable framework for testing and implementation. The Delphi panel envisaged innovative contracts should be adopted by governments in iterative steps and not as a complete substitute for current payment schemes, but rather as an additional incentive to them. Such an incremental approach allows contractual innovations to capitalise on existing best practices. But it also implies the risk that innovative contracts could remain marginal and fail to substantially change farmers’ behaviour, resulting in a failure to improve environmental conditions.
status-type:publishedVersion
Amsterdam [u.a.] : Elsevier Science
2023
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/14098
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/14212
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2023.106706
ISSN:0264-8377
ESSN:0264-8377
Land Use Policy 131 (2023)
Land Use Policy
eng
CC BY-NC 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/146912023-08-28T18:43:06Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:BookPartdoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:400ddc:300
Die Repräsentation der haitianischen Revolution als Bürgerkonflik: Marie Vieux-Chauvets Roman La Danse sur le volcan
Bandau, Anja
Bandau, Anja
Buschmann, Albrecht
von Treskow, Isabella
Romanische Sprachen
Literatur
Bürgerkrieg
ddc:400
ddc:300
ddc:320
Konferenzschrift
[No abstract available]
status-type:publishedVersion
Berlin : Trafo-Verlag
2008
doc-type:BookPart
doc-type:Text
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/14691
https://doi.org/10.15488/14573
ISBN:978-3-89626-680-4
Literaturen des Bürgerkriegs : Kollektive Gewalt - Krieg - Kultur
Potsdamer Beiträge zur Kultur- und Sozialgeschichte ; 6
Reihe "Kollektive Gewalt, Krieg, Kultur" ; 3
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/146922023-08-28T18:42:50Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:BookPartdoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:400ddc:300
Einleitung : Literaturen des Bürgerkriegs - Überlegungen zu ihren soziohistorischen und ästhetischen Konfigurationen
Bandau, Anja
Buschmann, Albrecht
von Treskow, Isabella
Bandau, Anja
Buschmann, Albrecht
von Treskow, Isabella
Romanische Sprachen
Literatur
Bürgerkrieg
ddc:400
ddc:300
ddc:320
Konferenzschrift
[No abstract available]
status-type:publishedVersion
Berlin : Trafo-Verlag
2008
doc-type:BookPart
doc-type:Text
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/14692
https://doi.org/10.15488/14574
ISBN:978-3-89626-680-4
Literaturen des Bürgerkriegs : Kollektive Gewalt - Krieg - Kultur
Potsdamer Beiträge zur Kultur- und Sozialgeschichte ; 6
Reihe "Kollektive Gewalt, Krieg, Kultur" ; 3
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/148562023-09-08T01:00:12Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:BookPartdoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:400ddc:300
Vergewaltigung als Trope? Texte über den Genozid in Ruanda
Bandau, Anja
von Treskow, Isabella
Buschmann, Albrecht
Bandau, Anja
War in mass media
Civil war
Civil war in literature
Bürgerkrieg
ddc:400
ddc:300
ddc:320
[No abstract available]
status-type:publishedVersion
Berlin : Trafo-Verlag
2005
doc-type:BookPart
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/14737
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/14856
ISBN:978-3-89626-538-8
Bürgerkrieg. Erfahrung und Repräsentation
Potsdamer Beiträge zur Kultur- und Sozialgeschichte ; 4
Reihe "Kollektive Gewalt, Krieg, Kultur" ; 1
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/150272024-01-19T09:59:51Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Political ambition and opposition legislative review: Bill scrutiny as an intra-party signalling device
Behrens, Lion
Nyhuis, Dominic
Gschwend, Thomas
Germany
intra-party politics
legislative review
political ambition
political careers
ddc:320
Recent research on executive–legislative relations in parliamentary democracies has shown that members of majority parties submit amendments to government bills to police the coalition compromise and to distinguish themselves from their coalition partners. It is poorly understood, however, what motivates members of the opposition to engage in the resource-intensive work of proposing changes to government bills. Not only are amendment proposals by the opposition often unsuccessful (lack of policy motivation), they are largely invisible to the electorate (lack of vote motivation). We argue that amendments by the opposition are best understood as reflecting office motivations of legislators. Ambitious legislators draft amendments to signal skill and expertise to their party peers, which is rewarded with promotions to higher office. We confirm our argument with original data from a German state parliament. The findings further our understanding of legislative review, individual legislative efforts and career trajectories.
status-type:publishedVersion
Oxford : Blackwell Publ.
2023
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/14908
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/15027
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12583
ISSN:0304-4130
ESSN:1475-6765
European Journal of Political Research (2023), online first
European Journal of Political Research
eng
CC BY-NC 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/152332023-11-09T12:06:12Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
The two faces of party ambiguity: A comprehensive model of ambiguous party position perceptions
Nyhuis, Dominic
Stoetzer, Lukas F.
ambiguity
Chapel Hill Expert Survey
IRT
party perceptions
party positions
ddc:320
Recent research on electoral behavior has suggested that policy-informed vote choices are frequently obstructed by uncertainty about party positions. Given the significance of clear and distinct party platforms for meaningful representation, several studies have investigated the conditions under which parties are perceived as ambiguous. Yet previous studies have often relied on measures of perceived positional ambiguity that are fairly remote from the concept, casting doubt on their substantive conclusions. This article introduces a statistical model to estimate a comprehensive measure of perceived ambiguity that incorporates the two principal factors: non-positions and positional inconsistency. The two-faces model employs issue perceptions in an item response framework to explicitly parametrize the perceived ambiguity of party positions. The model is applied to data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and subsequently associated with party characteristics that drive perceptions of party ambiguity. The results suggest that (a) there are notable differences between the proposed and competing measures, highlighting the need to be mindful of the intricacies of political information processing in research on perceptions of ambiguity and (b) involuntary ambiguity might be an underexplored explanation for unclear party perceptions.
status-type:publishedVersion
London : Cambridge Univ. Press
2020
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/15233
https://doi.org/10.15488/15114
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1017/s0007123419000759
ISSN:0007-1234
ESSN:1469-2112
British Journal of Political Science (BJPS) 51 (2021), Nr. 4
British Journal of Political Science (BJPS)
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/152552023-11-04T02:00:21Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_8doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:910ddc:320ddc:310
Does Innovation Capacity Building Help Regional Development? Policy Expert Narrations on Development in China’s “West”
Heindl, Anna-Barbara
China
innovation
narrative patterns
regional development
the “West”
ddc:910
ddc:320
ddc:310
To avoid the middle-income trap, China’s leaders call for innovation to accelerate development in China. However, since it is not clear how innovation and (regional) development reinforce each other, there is no blueprint strategy for successful innovation capacity building throughout China. Due to resource scarcity in its “Western” regions, it is thus far from certain that innovation capacity building will support regional development. Departing from sociology of knowledge, narrations are constitutive of policy practice. This article analyses narrative patterns of policy experts to understand how innovation capacity building and regional development are negotiated in China’s lagging “West.” The comparison of Yunnan and Chongqing cases demonstrates that innovation capacity building is primarily infused with theoretical expectations: resource scarcity does not allow for grounding innovation as a strategy of regional development in the local context. This leads to narrations of “local” alternatives to innovation capacity building in centralist China.
status-type:publishedVersion
Hamburg : German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA), GIGA Institute for Asian Studies
2021
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/15136
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/15255
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/1868102621997984
ISSN:1868-1026
ESSN:1868-4874
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 50 (2021), Nr. 2
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/156852023-11-30T02:00:20Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Gender and Right-Wing Populism: Analysing the Role of Women at the ministerial level
Radke, Lea
Rolofs, Gila
Gender politics
Hungary
Poland
Political representation of women
Right-wing populism
Women in the executive
ddc:320
The aim of this paper is to examine the role of women at the ministerial level in right-wing populist parties. To do so, we analyse the descriptive and substantive representation of women within the Hungarian and Polish right-wing populist cabinets. Using descriptive statistics, we examine the policy areas and relative prestige of their ministerial portfolios. To gain a deeper understanding of the role of women, we further provide an analysis of the roles of Beata Szydło as Polish prime minister and Katalin Novák as Minister without Portfolio for Families, Youth and the Elderly in Hungary. Within this analysis, we investigate their educational and political backgrounds and particularly focus on the gender aspects of their initiated family policies. Our results show that women within right-wing populist cabinets tend to govern traditionally ‘male’ and neutral policy areas; furthermore, they hold portfolios with similar prestige as do the men. The analysis of Beata Szydło and Katalin Novák indicates that women in executive offices are well educated and are more likely to become chief executives when their power is limited. Moreover, the investigation of the family policies demonstrates that they predominantly support the preservation of traditional family roles and strengthen them implicitly.
status-type:publishedVersion
Praha : Katedra politologie, Institut politologických studií, Fakulta sociálních věd, Univerzita Karlova v Praze
2023
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/15564
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/15685
DOI:https://doi.org/10.14712/1803-8220/37_2021
ESSN:1803-8220
Acta Politologica (AcPo) 15 (2023), Nr. 1
Acta Politologica (AcPo)
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/156862023-11-30T02:00:21Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Presidential Power and Cabinet Design in Sub-Saharan Africa
Steinert, Tim
Steinert, Tim
Steinert, Nico
Cabinet design
Constitutions
Presidential power
Sub-Saharan Africa
ddc:320
How do sub-Saharan presidents form and manage their cabinets? Previous research on intra-executive relations has focused predominantly on patterns of patronage. Although informal mechanisms remain relevant in the policy-making process, formal institutions have gained in importance in sub-Saharan Africa since the early 1990s. However, little is known about the link between presidents’ constitutional power and their decisions to appoint, remove and reshuffle ministers. This article addresses this gap by analysing the impact of presidential power on three ministerial-level variables: ethnic cabinet composition, cabinet size and ministerial stability. Based on a framework combining formal and informal institutions, we argue that presidents use formal cabinet roles and relationships to employ informal power-sharing strategies. To capture presidential power, we construct a new index of eight powers specifically related to the presidential-ministerial relationship. The theoretical model is tested with a new dataset of 41 sub-Saharan African countries from 1990 to 2016. OLS regressions show that presidents with greater constitutional power form ethnically exclusive cabinets, increase cabinet size and raise minister stability, albeit the latter effect is not statistically significant. These findings shed new light on the impact of different institutional designs on intra-executive processes in general and, in particular, on presidential actions vis-à-vis cabinet ministers in sub-Saharan Africa.
status-type:publishedVersion
Praha : Katedra politologie, Institut politologických studií, Fakulta sociálních věd, Univerzita Karlova v Praze
2023
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/15565
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/15686
DOI:https://doi.org/10.14712/1803-8220/33_2021
ESSN:1803-8220
Acta Politologica (AcPo) 15 (2023), Nr. 1
Acta Politologica (AcPo)
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/160062024-01-16T02:00:19Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320ddc:900
Non-orthodox labour in early modern Russia
Nolte, Hans-Heinrich
17 century th
Early-Modern Russia
Non-Orthodox servants
peasants
serfs
ddc:900
ddc:320
While the Tsardom Russia in Early Modern Times till the 18th century experienced a constant demographic loss to slavehunters supplying the markets of Muslim Empires, there also was an influx of Non-Orthodox Prisoners of War (from Muslim Tatars to Protestant Swedes) and socially weak people from annexed territories. Most Jasak-paying communities remained ethnically Non-Russian, but some Non-Orthodox “foreigners” by being sold or selling themselves left their communities and entered the status of peasants respectively kholops. These mostly were integrated into the Russian Orthodox flock. By prohibiting Orthodox people to serve in Non-Orthodox households clergy and government hoped to safeguard laypeople against other creeds, but strengthened the labour-market of Non-Orthodox servants. Muslim estate-owners, Armenian merchants, German doctors, Scottish officers etc. wanted servants in house and garden to care for their households and keep their social standings. Non-Orthodox servants, referred to but not regulated in the basic law of 1649, remained ethnically Non-Russian and confirmed Russia's character as “multi-ethnic Empire”.
status-type:publishedVersion
Volgograd : Izdat. Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Univ.
2022
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/15882
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/16006
DOI:https://doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.6
ISSN:1998-9938
Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta. Serija 4: Historija, Regionovedenie, Meždunarodnye Otnšenija = Science Journal of Volgograd State University. History. Area Studies. International Relations 27 (2022), Nr. 5
Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta. Serija 4: Historija, Regionovedenie, Meždunarodnye Otnšenija = Science Journal of Volgograd State University. History. Area Studies. International Relations
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/160112024-01-16T02:00:22Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Do populist parties in government produce unconstitutional policies? Evidence from Austria, 1980–2021
König, Jasmin Sarah
Swalve, Tilko
constitutions
courts
judicial review
policies
populism
ddc:320
In a rising number of countries, populist parties participate in coalition governments. While there exists a consensus that populism is incompatible with core tenets of liberal democracy on a conceptual level, we know much less about whether or not the participation of populist parties in government constitutes a threat to liberal democracy in practice. We study the impact of populist parties in coalition governments using a novel dataset of more than 2000 laws that were under review at the Austrian Constitutional Court between 1980 and 2021. We provide evidence that the court did not find laws passed by governments that included a populist party unconstitutional more often than those passed by non-populist governments. Our findings indicate that the Austrian Freedom Party did moderate its policy while in office. The results imply that it is necessary to distinguish policy positions in party manifestos and party rhetoric from policies actually implemented by governments.
status-type:publishedVersion
Oxford : Wiley-Blackwell
2022
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/15887
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/16011
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12573
ISSN:0304-4130
ESSN:1475-6765
European Journal of Political Research 62 (2022), Nr. 3
European Journal of Political Research
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/163042024-02-09T02:00:20Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_10doc-type:Articledoc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320
Armed groups: Competition and political violence
Gassebner, Martin
Schaudt, Paul
Wong, Melvin H.L.
Armed groups
Competition
Conflict
Double-counting
Political violence
Terrorism
ddc:320
We show that the proliferation of armed groups increases the amount of organized political violence. The natural death of a tribal leader provides quasi-experimental variation in the number of armed groups across districts in Pakistan. Employing event study designs and IV-regressions allows us to isolate the effect of the number of armed groups on political violence from locational fundamentals of conflict, e.g., local financing and recruiting opportunities or government capacity. In line with the idea that armed groups compete for resources and supporters, we estimate semi-elasticities of an additional armed group on political violence ranging from 50 to 60%. Introducing a novel proxy for government counter-insurgency efforts enables us to show that this increase is driven by insurgency groups and not the state. Moreover, we show that groups splitting-up compensate for their capacity loss by switching to non-capital intensive attacks.
status-type:publishedVersion
Amsterdam [u.a.] : Elsevier
2023
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/16177
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/16304
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2023.103052
ESSN:0304-3878
Journal of Development Economics 162 (2023)
Journal of Development Economics
eng
CC BY 4.0 Unported
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/164432024-02-29T14:20:20Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:Otherddc:300
…and a happy New Year! Christmas and New Year’s addresses by European heads of state
Köker, Philipp
Austria
Bulgaria
Croatia
Cyprus
Czech Republic
Estonia
Europe
Finland
France
Germany
Greece
Hungary
Iceland
Ireland
Italy
Latvia
Lithuania
Malta
Poland
Portugal
Romania
Slovakia
Slovenia
SwitzerlandTags Christmas message
heads of state
inaugural speech
new year's address
presidential speech
presidential speeches
ddc:320
ddc:300
Every year millions of Britons gather in front of their ‘tellies’ to watch the Queen’s annual Christmas message. This year, over 7.8m viewers saw and heard her speak on the topic of reconciliation in the light of the WW I centenary and were delighted by references to her visit to the set of ‘Games of Thrones’, making it the UK’s Christmas TV highlight (it attracted 1.5m more viewers than the ‘Doctor Who’ Christmas special and 2m more viewers than the Christmas episode of the period drama ‘Downtown Abbey’). Given that this blog deals with presidents, i.e. non-hereditary heads of state, writing about the Queen’s Christmas message might be peculiar for some readers. Nevertheless, the tradition of addressing the nation has – in the European context – first been documented for monarchs, with presidents continuing this tradition.
status-type:publishedVersion
2015-01-05
doc-type:Other
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/16316
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/16443
https://presidential-power.net/?p=2532
eng
CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 DE
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/de/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/164442024-02-16T02:00:19Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Textopen_accessstatus-type:publishedVersionddc:320doc-type:Otherddc:300
Happy New Year? Christmas and New Year’s addresses by European presidents for 2016
Köker, Philipp
Bulgaria
Croatia
Cyprus
Czech Republic
Estonia
Europe
Finland
France
Germany
Greece
Hungary
Iceland
Ireland
Italy
Latvia
Lithuania
Malta
Poland
Portugal
Romania
Slovakia
Slovenia
SwitzerlandTags Christmas message
new year's address
presidential address
presidential speech
presidential speeches
ddc:320
ddc:300
In the first blog post of 2015, I explored the origins of and various customs and conventions surrounding the Christmas and New Year’s addresses by European heads of state. This year, I will look more closely at the content of these speeches (although focussing – for the sake of brevity – only on presidents, i.e. non-hereditary heads of state this time).
status-type:publishedVersion
2016-01-04
doc-type:Other
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/16317
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/16444
https://presidential-power.net/?p=4274
eng
CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 DE
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/de/
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/de/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/166362024-03-07T02:00:18Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9doc-type:Textdoc-type:ConferenceObjectopen_accessddc:320ddc:370
Bedeutung des institutionellen Kontextes für Studienabbruch und Langzeitstudium (BiK) - Folgerungen des Projektverbundes
Oberschelp, Axel
Bauer, Victoria A.
Nguyen Xuan, Anh
Bernauer, Julian
Jungbauer-Gans, Monika
Hönnige, Christoph
ddc:320
ddc:370
Konferenzschrift
Vor dem Hintergrund eines zunehmenden Mangels an Fachkräften und der demografischen Entwicklung hat das Thema Studienabbruch an Bedeutung gewonnen. Zur Entwicklung geeigneter Maßnahmen, mit denen Studienabbrüche besser vermieden werden können, sind gesicherte Erkenntnisse über deren Ausmaß und Ursachen erforderlich. Das Projekt „Bedeutung des institutionellen Abbruchs für Studienerfolg und Langzeitstudium (BiK)“ leistet hierzu einen Beitrag, indem es die bisher noch wenig systematisch untersuchten Regelungen des institutionellen Kontextes der Studien- und Prüfungsorganisation analysiert. Diese Regelungen sind auf drei verschiedenen Ebenen der Governance zu verorten: (1) Makro-Ebene (Landeshochschulgesetze, (2) Meso-Ebene (z.B. Rahmenprüfungsordnungen) und (3) Mikro-Ebene (Studiengänge und Module).
Das Projekt wird kooperativ im Rahmen von insgesamt vier Teilstudien von den Projektpartnern Deutsches Zentrum für Hochschul- und Wissenschaftsforschung (DZHW), Leibniz Universität Hannover und Universität Mannheim, Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung (MZES)bearbeitet und im Rahmen der BMBF-Förderlinie „Studienerfolg und Studienabbruch“ gefördert. Das Poster führt die aus den Projektergebnissen ziehbaren Hauptfolgerungen für die Hochschulpolitik sowie für die Wissenschafts- und Hochschulforschung auf.
Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung/Studienerfolg und Studienabbruch II/16PX21006A; 16PX21006B; 16PX21006C/EU
status-type:draft
Hannover : Institutionelles Repositorium der Leibniz Universität Hannover
2024
doc-type:ConferenceObject
doc-type:Text
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/16636
https://doi.org/10.15488/16509
info:eu-repo/grantAgreement/Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung/Studienerfolg und Studienabbruch II/16PX21006A; 16PX21006B; 16PX21006C/EU
ger
CC BY 3.0 DE
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/de/
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/168692024-03-26T14:52:32Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:BookPartdoc-type:Textddc:320
Die Wählerschaft der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Eine Längsschnittanalyse von Sozialstruktur und politischen Einstellungen für den Zeitraum 2013 bis 2018
Klein, Markus
Kühling, Christoph
Springer, Frederik
Brinkmann, H.U.
Reuband, K.H.
Alternative für Deutschland (AfD)
Politbarometer
Politische Einstellungen
Rechtspopulismus
Sozialstruktur
Wahlverhalten
ddc:320
Die Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) hat im Laufe ihrer kurzen Geschichte einen dramatischen Wandel durchlebt. Gestartet als wirtschaftsliberale, euroskeptische Partei hat sie sich im Laufe der Zeit zu einer rechtspopulistischen Partei entwickelt. Es steht zu vermuten, dass sich im Zuge dieses programmatischen Wandels auch die Wählerschaft der AfD verändert hat. Der Buchbeitrag analysiert daher die Sozialstruktur und die politischen Einstellungen der Wählerinnen und Wähler der AfD in einer längsschnittlichen Perspektive. Die empirischen Analysen basieren auf den Politbarometer-Erhebungen der Forschungsgruppe Wahlen im Zeitraum von April 2013 bis Dezember 2018. Es zeigt sich, dass sich die Wählerschaft der AfD im Zeitverlauf dem typischen Eigenschaftsprofil der Wählerschaft einer rechtspopulistischen Partei angenähert hat.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Wiesbaden: Springer VS
2022
doc-type:BookPart
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/16742
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/16869
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-33787-2_9
ISBN:978-3-658-33787-2
Rechtspopulismus in Deutschland
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
Verlagsembargo bis zum 2024-10-03, danach frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/168702024-03-26T14:50:28Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:BookPartdoc-type:Textopen_accessddc:320
Es fährt ein Zug nach Nirgendwo. Martin Schulz, Angela Merkel und die Bundestagswahl 2017
Rosar, Ulrich
Masch, Lena
Springer, Frederik
Klein, Markus
Weßels, Bernhard
Schoen, Harald
Electoral Politics
Comparative Politics
Political Sociology
European Politics
Political Communication
ddc:320
Als Martin Schulz beim außerordentlichen SPD-Bundesparteitag in Berlin am 19. März 2017 mit 100 % der Delegiertenstimmen zum Parteivorsitzenden und Kanzlerkandidaten gewählt wurde und der „Schulz-Zug“ damit richtig Fahrt aufnahm, hätte sich wohl niemand vorstellen können, dass dieser Zug Martin Schulz binnen Jahresfrist aufs politische Abstellgleis führen würde. In der Tat dürften Tiefe und Geschwindigkeit des politischen Falls selbst für sozialdemokratische Verhältnisse beispiellos sein. Betrachtet man Sigmar Gabriels Ankündigung vom 24. Januar 2017, zugunsten Schulz’ auf Parteivorsitz und Kanzlerkandidatur verzichten zu wollen, als Ausgangspunkt der Entwicklung und Martin Schulz’ Erklärung vom 9. Februar 2018, doch nicht als Außenmister ins Kabinett Merkel IV eintreten zu wollen, als ihren Schlusspunkt, so dauerte es gerade 382 Tage, bis sich Martin Schulz in der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung vom Heilsbringer der Sozialdemokratie zu einem Paria der bundesdeutschen Politik gewandelt hatte.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Wiesbaden: Springer VS
2021
doc-type:BookPart
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/16743
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/16870
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-33582-3_7
ISBN:978-3-658-33582-3
Wahlen und Wähler: Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagswahl 2017
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/168712024-03-26T14:51:37Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Articledoc-type:Textddc:320ddc:300
The Impact of Party Quotas on Women’s Political Ambition
Springer, Frederik
Klein, Markus
Lüdecke, Yvonne
Women‘s quota
party membership
political ambition
general incentives model
ddc:320
ddc:300
Do women’s motives for joining a political party depend on the implementation of a gender quota for party offices and electoral lists? Based on multiple waves of the German Party Membership Studies, we address this issue using survey data for about 5,000 female party members. We find that women’s probability of joining a party because of their political ambition, i.e. attaining a public or party office, slightly improves with the quota size. But more importantly, there is a robust, statistically significant interaction between the quota targets and the percentage of female party members. Women are most likely to report instrumental reasons for joining when there is a large gender gap for the party members and a quota requiring a high percentage of female office holders. These results strongly imply that women, at least roughly, calculate the intensity of the intra-party competition for political offices when deciding to join a party.
status-type:acceptedVersion
Boca Raton, FL [u.a.] : Taylor & Francis
2023
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/16744
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/16871
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2206978
ISSN:1554-477X
ESSN:1554-4788
Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 2023 (2023)
Journal of Women, Politics & Policy
eng
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
Verlagsembargo bis zum 2024-05-18, danach frei zugänglich
oai:www.repo.uni-hannover.de:123456789/168722024-03-26T14:51:17Zcom_123456789_1col_123456789_9status-type:acceptedVersiondoc-type:Articledoc-type:Textddc:320
Der Bürgerentscheid über die Abwahl des Frankfurter Oberbürger-meisters vom 6. November 2022: Vorgeschichte, Ablauf, Ergebnis, Verfahrensdefizite und Reformvorschläge
Klein, Markus
Kühling, Christoph
Springer, Frederik
ddc:320
[No abstract available]
status-type:acceptedVersion
Baden-Baden : Nomos-Verl.-Ges.
2023
doc-type:Article
doc-type:Text
http://dx.doi.org/10.15488/16745
https://www.repo.uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/16872
DOI:https://doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-2-354
ESSN:0340-1758
Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 54 (2023), Nr. 2
Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen
ger
Es gilt deutsches Urheberrecht. Das Dokument darf zum eigenen Gebrauch kostenfrei genutzt, aber nicht im Internet bereitgestellt oder an Außenstehende weitergegeben werden.
Verlagsembargo bis zum 2024-07-25, danach frei zugänglich